Tuesday, November 25, 2025
A Ranting Release
Something to Know - 25 November
Monday, November 24, 2025
Something to Know - 24 November
| Nov 23, 2025, 11:44 PM (11 hours ago) | |||
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"Do I understand correctly that there is now a dispute within the administration about whether this 'peace plan' was written by Russians or Americans?" foreign affairs journalist Anne Applebaum asked last night on social media. Applebaum was referring to confusion over a 28-point plan for an end to Russia's war on Ukraine reported by Barak Ravid and Dave Lawler of Axios last week. After the plan was leaked, apparently to Ravid by Kirill Dmitriev, an ally of Russian president Vladimir Putin who is under U.S. sanctions, Vice President J.D. Vance came out strongly in support of it. But as scholar of strategic studies Phillips P. OBrien noted in Phillips's Newsletter, once it became widely known that the plan was written by the Russians, Secretary of State Marco Rubio tried to back away from it, posting on social media on Wednesday that "[e]nding a complex and deadly war such as the one in Ukraine requires an extensive exchange of serious and realistic ideas. And achieving a durable peace will require both sides to agree to difficult but necessary concessions. That is why we are and will continue to develop a list of potential ideas for ending this war based on input from both sides of this conflict." And yet, by Friday, Trump said he expected Ukraine president Volodymyr Zelensky to sign onto the plan by Thanksgiving: next Thursday, November 27. Former senate majority leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) said: "Putin has spent the entire year trying to play President Trump for a fool. Rewarding Russian butchery would be disastrous to America's interests." Yesterday a group of senators, foreign affairs specialists gathered in Halifax, Nova Scotia, for the Halifax International Security Forum, told reporters they had spoken to Rubio about the plan. Senator Angus King (I-ME) said Rubio had told them that the document "was not the administration's position" but rather "a wish list of the Russians." Senator Mike Rounds (R-SC) said: "This administration was not responsible for this release in its current form." He added: "I think he made it very clear to us that we are the recipients of a proposal that was delivered to one of our representatives," Rounds said. "It is not our recommendation, it is not our peace plan." But then a spokesperson for the State Department, Tommy Pigott, called the senators' account of the origins of the plan "blatantly false," and Rubio abruptly switched course, posting on social media that in fact the U.S. had written the plan. Anton La Guardia, diplomatic editor at The Economist, posted: "State Department is backpedalling on Rubio's backpedal. If for a moment you thought the grown-ups were back in charge, think again. We're still in the circus. 'Unbelievable,' mutters one [of the] disbelieving senators." Later that day, Erin Banco and Gram Slattery of Reuters reported that the proposal had come out of a meeting in Miami between Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff, Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner, and Dmitriev, who leads one of Russia's largest sovereign wealth funds. They reported that senior officials in the State Department and on the National Security Council were not briefed about the plan. This morning, Bill Kristol of The Bulwark reported rumors that Vice President J.D. Vance was "key to US embrace of Russia plan on Ukraine, Rubio (and even Trump) out of the loop." He posted that relations between Vance and Rubio are "awful" and that Rubio did, in fact, tell the senators what they said he did. Yaroslav Trofimov, chief foreign affairs correspondent of the Wall Street Journal, posted: "Foreign nations now have to deal with rival factions of the U.S. government who keep major policy initiatives secret from each other and some of which work with foreign powers as the succession battle for 2028 begins, is how one diplomat put it." The elections of 2026 and 2028 are clearly on Republicans' minds as polls show Trump's policies to be increasingly unpopular. On Friday, Trump met at the White House with New York City mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani. Although Trump had previously called Mamdani a "communist lunatic" and a "stupid person" and had threatened to withhold federal funding from New York City if Mamdani won, the meeting was friendly. Trump, who has seemed warm and affable since snarling "Quiet, Piggy!" to a reporter on Air Force One on November 14, praised the mayor-elect and said he'd "feel very comfortable" living in New York City after Mamdani takes the reins. Trump's friendly banter with Mamdani appeared a way to acknowledge voters' frustration with the economy. During his campaign, Mamdani promised to address those economic frustrations. Trump told reporters: "We agree on a lot more than I thought. I want him to do a great job, and we'll help him do a great job." This embrace of a politician MAGA Republicans had attacked as a communist left Trump's supporters unsure how to respond. On Friday, Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) announced she is resigning from Congress. Her last day will be January 5, 2026, days after she secures her congressional pension. In her four-page announcement, she maintained she was frustrated that those like her, who she said represent "the common American people," cannot get their measures passed because "the Political Industrial Complex of both Political Parties" ignores them in favor of "[c]orporate and global interests." She blamed Trump for forcing her out of Congress, saying: "I have too much self respect and dignity, love my family way too much, and do not want my sweet district to have to endure a hurtful and hateful primary against me by the President we all fought for, only to fight and win my election while Republicans will likely lose the midterms. And in turn, be expected to defend the President against impeachment after he hatefully dumped tens of millions of dollars against me and tried to destroy me." Greene appears to be shifting to fit into a post-Trump future. "When the common American people finally realize and understand that the Political Industrial Complex of both parties is ripping this country apart, that not one elected leader like me is able to stop Washington's machine from gradually destroying our country, and instead the reality is that they, common Americans, The People, possess the real power over Washington," she wrote, "then I'll be here by their side to rebuild it." Another scandal coming from the Cabinet will not help the administration dig out from its cratering popularity. Just after midnight Friday night, the former fiancé of the journalist who had a romantic relationship with Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. dropped another installment of his version of the saga. It included a graphic pornographic poem that would have ended a cabinet member's career in any normal administration. The ex-fiancé said other poems he had found were even more explicit. This revelation came the day after Kennedy acknowledged that he had personally told the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to change information on the CDC website to say the claim that vaccines do not cause autism is not "evidence-based." As Sheryl Gay Stolberg of the New York Times notes, Kennedy admits that studies have shown no link between vaccines and autism, but he wanted the change because there are still other studies to be done. As Stolberg wrote, "He said he is not saying vaccines cause autism; he is simply saying there is no proof that they don't." Kennedy is neither a doctor nor a scholar of public health, and Stolberg notes that "[i]t is highly unusual for a health secretary to personally order a change to scientific guidance." In order to get support for his cabinet nomination, Kennedy promised Senator Bill Cassidy (R-LA), a physician, that he would not remove from the CDC website a statement saying that vaccines do not cause autism. That statement is still at the top of the "Autism and Vaccines" page of the CDC website, but now it has an asterisk keyed to a footnote saying it had not been removed because of Kennedy's promise to Cassidy, and the text of the page says that "studies supporting a link have been ignored by health authorities." Today, CNN's Jake Tapper said to Cassidy: "He lied to you." Cassidy answered: "Well, first let me say, what is most important to the American people, speaking as a physician, vaccines are safe. As has been pointed out, it's actually not disputed. It's actually quite well proven that vaccines are not associated with autism. There's a fringe out there that thinks so, but they're quite a fringe. President Trump agrees that vaccines are safe." Cassidy tried to suggest that focusing on Kennedy's lie was "titillating" but that Americans needed to move on. Tapper answered: "This isn't about titillation. This is about the fact that you are the chairman of the health committee and you voted to confirm somebody that by all accounts from the medical and scientific community and his own family…is actually making America less healthy." — |
Sunday, November 23, 2025
Something to Know - 23 November
| 6:23 AM (3 hours ago) | |||
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The Air Is Getting ThinFrom the Amazon to Washington, a week of institutional sabotage, global humiliation, and a kakistocracy determined to finish the job.
Good morning! As we rub the sleep from our eyes and prepare ourselves for another day of watching institutions buckle under the weight of their own cowardice, let's begin in the Amazon, where negotiators at COP30 gathered under the canopy of the world's most vital life-support system and still managed to walk away without the one thing trees actually need: a binding promise not to kill them. This was supposed to be the "Forest COP," the one where the world finally put rainforests at the center of climate policy. And on paper, it sort of did: billions in new conservation funding, Germany dropping €1 billion into Brazil's Tropical Forests Forever Facility, Europe pledging billions more for the Congo Basin, and a historic showing of 3,000 Indigenous leaders who, unlike most of the officials in attendance, actually know how to keep forests standing. Brazil even demarcated ten new Indigenous territories, nearly 1,000 square miles of land that should have been recognized decades ago. Yet, after all that rainforest humidity, all that moral urgency, all that talk of nature and stewardship, leaders still torpedoed the one concrete measure that mattered: a roadmap requiring countries to demonstrate progress toward their 2030 zero-deforestation pledge. Instead, they issued a voluntary roadmap, which is diplomatic code for "we'll get to it right after we finish whatever we're doing for the next several years." It was as if the Amazon itself had begged for an action plan and the world replied with, "Have you tried journaling?" But before we leave Belém, it's worth reminding readers of the thing almost no one says out loud anymore: forests don't just "store carbon" or "preserve biodiversity." They manufacture the air we breathe. Fifty percent of atmospheric oxygen comes from terrestrial plants. Calling forests the lungs of the planet isn't poetic license; it's biochemistry. A world stripped of forests is a world with thinner air. And this year's "Forest COP" ended by proving, once again, that humanity is committed to holding its breath indefinitely. In Sudan, we find another portrait of collapse, this time not ecological but political, though the line separating the two grows blurrier every year. Sudan is a country of 50 million sitting atop vast oil reserves, abundant gold, fertile cropland, and the world's largest gum arabic forests, yet it has been shattered by a civil war now entering its third year. More than 9.5 million people have been displaced, the largest displacement crisis on Earth, while the army controls the north and the Red Sea corridor, and the Rapid Support Forces rule most of Darfur and the central gold belts. Sudan's wealth should feed its people twice over, but instead it bankrolls warlords. Most of the oil fields sit in contested territory; gold exports overwhelmingly flow to the UAE; and the gum arabic belt, the acacia forest strip that props up global food, pharma, and cosmetics, is being divvied up like contraband. Agricultural lands that could prevent famine are caught between factions fighting over pipelines, grazing corridors, and access to the Nile. It is a perfect illustration of the resource curse: when a nation becomes more valuable as a commodity warehouse than as a functioning society, people starve in the shadow of abundance. And then we come home to the United States, where our own institutions are unraveling at a pace that would make Sudan's warlords raise an eyebrow. The latest casualty is the CDC, which quietly rewrote its website to suggest that vaccines might cause autism, not because the science changed, but because public health leadership now answers to the conspiracy ecosystem that elevated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to HHS Secretary. The CDC kept the headline "Vaccines do not cause Autism," but slapped an asterisk under it that essentially says, "We're only saying this because someone made us." It is effectively medical malpractice in the guise of federal gaslighting. Public-health officials across the country are now forced to walk into clinics, look frightened parents in the eye, and explain why the U.S. government is contradicting decades of research in the middle of flu, RSV, and COVID season. The autism-vaccine myth has been debunked more times than Bigfoot sightings, but Kennedy demanded a federal agency flirt with it anyway, and the CDC complied. It's one thing for anti-science demagogues to shout into microphones; it's another for a once-trusted government institution to underwrite their delusions. And just when you thought the week's performative sabotage was over, Mitch McConnell reminded us that corporatocracy never sleeps. In the final hours before the government shutdown ended, he quietly inserted a nationwide ban on most hemp products into the must-pass spending bill, a political booby trap aimed squarely at an industry that threatens Big Pharma's sleep aids, Big Alcohol's profits, and the donor class's eternal war on cannabis. Hemp, that ancient and sustainable miracle plant capable of producing everything from biodegradable plastics to building materials, suddenly finds itself regulated more harshly than fentanyl precursors. Under McConnell's stealth ban, any product with more than 0.4 milligrams of THC per package, a microscopic threshold, becomes illegal. Not high-THC cannabis. Not Delta-8 products. CBD. The stuff sold in grocery stores and traded by soccer moms like gluten-free communion wafers. A $28 billion industry employing 300,000 Americans is now hanging by a string because one senator from Kentucky decided his friends in the pharmaceutical and liquor industries deserved a little early Christmas present. Hemp is a sustainability powerhouse. It restores soil, requires minimal water, replaces petroplastics, and produces everything from building materials to sustainable textiles. But it also produces cannabinoids, harmless, non-intoxicating, but competitive with products that actually do pose risks and rake in profit margins. So instead of regulating hemp sensibly, Congress is preparing to kneecap it. Industry leaders are scrambling. Some hope states will be allowed autonomy, much like the patchwork around cannabis dispensaries. Others, more realistic, see the writing on the wall: a total ban, shredded supply chains, shuttered small businesses, and the acceleration of a war on cannabis markets that McConnell and the Heritage Foundation have been telegraphing for years. And the kicker? The ban may not even stand. Backlash has been immediate and furious. Members of Congress who'd barely glanced at the issue before, like Rep. Maxwell Frost and Sen. Tina Smith, are suddenly sounding alarms as voters figure out that Washington just criminalized their sleepytime gummy. But the damage is done. Once again, policy shaped by lobbyists is being dressed up as public safety. Once again, sustainability is sacrificed on the altar of profitability. Once again, the U.S. government is making sure the only industries allowed to sell psychoactive or pain-relief substances are the ones with the most expensive lobbyists. McConnell didn't ban hemp because it's dangerous. He banned it because it's useful, and because useful things that ordinary people can grow, make, or use without corporate permission have always been the first to go. And while the planet was busy trying to salvage coherent climate policy in Belém, the United States managed to humiliate itself on yet another global stage. Trump officially boycotted this year's G20 summit in South Africa, citing "human-rights abuses" against white Afrikaner farmers, an accusation lifted directly from Elon Musk's long-debunked conspiracy theory about a supposed genocide of white farmers. The claim has been repeatedly disproven by South African authorities, human-rights monitors, and even conservative think tanks, but it continues to serve Trump and Musk as an all-purpose bludgeon against any non-Western government they find inconvenient. The result was predictable: the U.S. shunned the summit, allies rolled their eyes, and middle-power democracies like Canada and South Korea quietly filled the void. South African officials publicly contradicted the White House's shifting explanations; the U.S. ended up sending only a low-level chargé d'affaires to the closing session, which host officials treated about as seriously as a late RSVP to a wedding you weren't really invited to in the first place. The message from Washington was that global cooperation is optional. The message from the rest of the world was that U.S. participation is no longer essential. In the vacuum left by American abdication, other nations are moving forward, and increasingly, they're doing it without us. And that may be the most sobering lesson of the week. Whether in the Amazon, Sudan, Washington, or the G20, the pattern is the same: institutions once depended upon to uphold global stability are now guided by grievance, conspiracy, and the profit margins of the already-powerful. In their place rises a coalition of nations, communities, and movements trying to stave off a century defined by ecological collapse, authoritarian rot, and the slow suffocation of public trust. But for today, at least we can name it plainly. This isn't drift, it's sabotage. And it's being carried out by people who believe expertise is optional, sustainability is a threat, and truth is whatever their donors or delusions demand. |
| 6:23 AM (2 hours ago) | |||
| ||||
Welcome. You're on the front lines with us. Geddry's Newsletter is a publication of nGenium, LLC The Air Is Getting ThinFrom the Amazon to Washington, a week of institutional sabotage, global humiliation, and a kakistocracy determined to finish the job.
Good morning! As we rub the sleep from our eyes and prepare ourselves for another day of watching institutions buckle under the weight of their own cowardice, let's begin in the Amazon, where negotiators at COP30 gathered under the canopy of the world's most vital life-support system and still managed to walk away without the one thing trees actually need: a binding promise not to kill them. This was supposed to be the "Forest COP," the one where the world finally put rainforests at the center of climate policy. And on paper, it sort of did: billions in new conservation funding, Germany dropping €1 billion into Brazil's Tropical Forests Forever Facility, Europe pledging billions more for the Congo Basin, and a historic showing of 3,000 Indigenous leaders who, unlike most of the officials in attendance, actually know how to keep forests standing. Brazil even demarcated ten new Indigenous territories, nearly 1,000 square miles of land that should have been recognized decades ago. Yet, after all that rainforest humidity, all that moral urgency, all that talk of nature and stewardship, leaders still torpedoed the one concrete measure that mattered: a roadmap requiring countries to demonstrate progress toward their 2030 zero-deforestation pledge. Instead, they issued a voluntary roadmap, which is diplomatic code for "we'll get to it right after we finish whatever we're doing for the next several years." It was as if the Amazon itself had begged for an action plan and the world replied with, "Have you tried journaling?" But before we leave Belém, it's worth reminding readers of the thing almost no one says out loud anymore: forests don't just "store carbon" or "preserve biodiversity." They manufacture the air we breathe. Fifty percent of atmospheric oxygen comes from terrestrial plants. Calling forests the lungs of the planet isn't poetic license; it's biochemistry. A world stripped of forests is a world with thinner air. And this year's "Forest COP" ended by proving, once again, that humanity is committed to holding its breath indefinitely. In Sudan, we find another portrait of collapse, this time not ecological but political, though the line separating the two grows blurrier every year. Sudan is a country of 50 million sitting atop vast oil reserves, abundant gold, fertile cropland, and the world's largest gum arabic forests, yet it has been shattered by a civil war now entering its third year. More than 9.5 million people have been displaced, the largest displacement crisis on Earth, while the army controls the north and the Red Sea corridor, and the Rapid Support Forces rule most of Darfur and the central gold belts. Sudan's wealth should feed its people twice over, but instead it bankrolls warlords. Most of the oil fields sit in contested territory; gold exports overwhelmingly flow to the UAE; and the gum arabic belt, the acacia forest strip that props up global food, pharma, and cosmetics, is being divvied up like contraband. Agricultural lands that could prevent famine are caught between factions fighting over pipelines, grazing corridors, and access to the Nile. It is a perfect illustration of the resource curse: when a nation becomes more valuable as a commodity warehouse than as a functioning society, people starve in the shadow of abundance. And then we come home to the United States, where our own institutions are unraveling at a pace that would make Sudan's warlords raise an eyebrow. The latest casualty is the CDC, which quietly rewrote its website to suggest that vaccines might cause autism, not because the science changed, but because public health leadership now answers to the conspiracy ecosystem that elevated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to HHS Secretary. The CDC kept the headline "Vaccines do not cause Autism," but slapped an asterisk under it that essentially says, "We're only saying this because someone made us." It is effectively medical malpractice in the guise of federal gaslighting. Public-health officials across the country are now forced to walk into clinics, look frightened parents in the eye, and explain why the U.S. government is contradicting decades of research in the middle of flu, RSV, and COVID season. The autism-vaccine myth has been debunked more times than Bigfoot sightings, but Kennedy demanded a federal agency flirt with it anyway, and the CDC complied. It's one thing for anti-science demagogues to shout into microphones; it's another for a once-trusted government institution to underwrite their delusions. And just when you thought the week's performative sabotage was over, Mitch McConnell reminded us that corporatocracy never sleeps. In the final hours before the government shutdown ended, he quietly inserted a nationwide ban on most hemp products into the must-pass spending bill, a political booby trap aimed squarely at an industry that threatens Big Pharma's sleep aids, Big Alcohol's profits, and the donor class's eternal war on cannabis. Hemp, that ancient and sustainable miracle plant capable of producing everything from biodegradable plastics to building materials, suddenly finds itself regulated more harshly than fentanyl precursors. Under McConnell's stealth ban, any product with more than 0.4 milligrams of THC per package, a microscopic threshold, becomes illegal. Not high-THC cannabis. Not Delta-8 products. CBD. The stuff sold in grocery stores and traded by soccer moms like gluten-free communion wafers. A $28 billion industry employing 300,000 Americans is now hanging by a string because one senator from Kentucky decided his friends in the pharmaceutical and liquor industries deserved a little early Christmas present. Hemp is a sustainability powerhouse. It restores soil, requires minimal water, replaces petroplastics, and produces everything from building materials to sustainable textiles. But it also produces cannabinoids, harmless, non-intoxicating, but competitive with products that actually do pose risks and rake in profit margins. So instead of regulating hemp sensibly, Congress is preparing to kneecap it. Industry leaders are scrambling. Some hope states will be allowed autonomy, much like the patchwork around cannabis dispensaries. Others, more realistic, see the writing on the wall: a total ban, shredded supply chains, shuttered small businesses, and the acceleration of a war on cannabis markets that McConnell and the Heritage Foundation have been telegraphing for years. And the kicker? The ban may not even stand. Backlash has been immediate and furious. Members of Congress who'd barely glanced at the issue before, like Rep. Maxwell Frost and Sen. Tina Smith, are suddenly sounding alarms as voters figure out that Washington just criminalized their sleepytime gummy. But the damage is done. Once again, policy shaped by lobbyists is being dressed up as public safety. Once again, sustainability is sacrificed on the altar of profitability. Once again, the U.S. government is making sure the only industries allowed to sell psychoactive or pain-relief substances are the ones with the most expensive lobbyists. McConnell didn't ban hemp because it's dangerous. He banned it because it's useful, and because useful things that ordinary people can grow, make, or use without corporate permission have always been the first to go. And while the planet was busy trying to salvage coherent climate policy in Belém, the United States managed to humiliate itself on yet another global stage. Trump officially boycotted this year's G20 summit in South Africa, citing "human-rights abuses" against white Afrikaner farmers, an accusation lifted directly from Elon Musk's long-debunked conspiracy theory about a supposed genocide of white farmers. The claim has been repeatedly disproven by South African authorities, human-rights monitors, and even conservative think tanks, but it continues to serve Trump and Musk as an all-purpose bludgeon against any non-Western government they find inconvenient. The result was predictable: the U.S. shunned the summit, allies rolled their eyes, and middle-power democracies like Canada and South Korea quietly filled the void. South African officials publicly contradicted the White House's shifting explanations; the U.S. ended up sending only a low-level chargé d'affaires to the closing session, which host officials treated about as seriously as a late RSVP to a wedding you weren't really invited to in the first place. The message from Washington was that global cooperation is optional. The message from the rest of the world was that U.S. participation is no longer essential. In the vacuum left by American abdication, other nations are moving forward, and increasingly, they're doing it without us. And that may be the most sobering lesson of the week. Whether in the Amazon, Sudan, Washington, or the G20, the pattern is the same: institutions once depended upon to uphold global stability are now guided by grievance, conspiracy, and the profit margins of the already-powerful. In their place rises a coalition of nations, communities, and movements trying to stave off a century defined by ecological collapse, authoritarian rot, and the slow suffocation of public trust. But for today, at least we can name it plainly. This isn't drift, it's sabotage. And it's being carried out by people who believe expertise is optional, sustainability is a threat, and truth is whatever their donors or delusions demand. |
| 6:23 AM (2 hours ago) | |||
| ||||
Welcome. You're on the front lines with us. Geddry's Newsletter is a publication of nGenium, LLC The Air Is Getting ThinFrom the Amazon to Washington, a week of institutional sabotage, global humiliation, and a kakistocracy determined to finish the job.
Good morning! As we rub the sleep from our eyes and prepare ourselves for another day of watching institutions buckle under the weight of their own cowardice, let's begin in the Amazon, where negotiators at COP30 gathered under the canopy of the world's most vital life-support system and still managed to walk away without the one thing trees actually need: a binding promise not to kill them. This was supposed to be the "Forest COP," the one where the world finally put rainforests at the center of climate policy. And on paper, it sort of did: billions in new conservation funding, Germany dropping €1 billion into Brazil's Tropical Forests Forever Facility, Europe pledging billions more for the Congo Basin, and a historic showing of 3,000 Indigenous leaders who, unlike most of the officials in attendance, actually know how to keep forests standing. Brazil even demarcated ten new Indigenous territories, nearly 1,000 square miles of land that should have been recognized decades ago. Yet, after all that rainforest humidity, all that moral urgency, all that talk of nature and stewardship, leaders still torpedoed the one concrete measure that mattered: a roadmap requiring countries to demonstrate progress toward their 2030 zero-deforestation pledge. Instead, they issued a voluntary roadmap, which is diplomatic code for "we'll get to it right after we finish whatever we're doing for the next several years." It was as if the Amazon itself had begged for an action plan and the world replied with, "Have you tried journaling?" But before we leave Belém, it's worth reminding readers of the thing almost no one says out loud anymore: forests don't just "store carbon" or "preserve biodiversity." They manufacture the air we breathe. Fifty percent of atmospheric oxygen comes from terrestrial plants. Calling forests the lungs of the planet isn't poetic license; it's biochemistry. A world stripped of forests is a world with thinner air. And this year's "Forest COP" ended by proving, once again, that humanity is committed to holding its breath indefinitely. In Sudan, we find another portrait of collapse, this time not ecological but political, though the line separating the two grows blurrier every year. Sudan is a country of 50 million sitting atop vast oil reserves, abundant gold, fertile cropland, and the world's largest gum arabic forests, yet it has been shattered by a civil war now entering its third year. More than 9.5 million people have been displaced, the largest displacement crisis on Earth, while the army controls the north and the Red Sea corridor, and the Rapid Support Forces rule most of Darfur and the central gold belts. Sudan's wealth should feed its people twice over, but instead it bankrolls warlords. Most of the oil fields sit in contested territory; gold exports overwhelmingly flow to the UAE; and the gum arabic belt, the acacia forest strip that props up global food, pharma, and cosmetics, is being divvied up like contraband. Agricultural lands that could prevent famine are caught between factions fighting over pipelines, grazing corridors, and access to the Nile. It is a perfect illustration of the resource curse: when a nation becomes more valuable as a commodity warehouse than as a functioning society, people starve in the shadow of abundance. And then we come home to the United States, where our own institutions are unraveling at a pace that would make Sudan's warlords raise an eyebrow. The latest casualty is the CDC, which quietly rewrote its website to suggest that vaccines might cause autism, not because the science changed, but because public health leadership now answers to the conspiracy ecosystem that elevated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to HHS Secretary. The CDC kept the headline "Vaccines do not cause Autism," but slapped an asterisk under it that essentially says, "We're only saying this because someone made us." It is effectively medical malpractice in the guise of federal gaslighting. Public-health officials across the country are now forced to walk into clinics, look frightened parents in the eye, and explain why the U.S. government is contradicting decades of research in the middle of flu, RSV, and COVID season. The autism-vaccine myth has been debunked more times than Bigfoot sightings, but Kennedy demanded a federal agency flirt with it anyway, and the CDC complied. It's one thing for anti-science demagogues to shout into microphones; it's another for a once-trusted government institution to underwrite their delusions. And just when you thought the week's performative sabotage was over, Mitch McConnell reminded us that corporatocracy never sleeps. In the final hours before the government shutdown ended, he quietly inserted a nationwide ban on most hemp products into the must-pass spending bill, a political booby trap aimed squarely at an industry that threatens Big Pharma's sleep aids, Big Alcohol's profits, and the donor class's eternal war on cannabis. Hemp, that ancient and sustainable miracle plant capable of producing everything from biodegradable plastics to building materials, suddenly finds itself regulated more harshly than fentanyl precursors. Under McConnell's stealth ban, any product with more than 0.4 milligrams of THC per package, a microscopic threshold, becomes illegal. Not high-THC cannabis. Not Delta-8 products. CBD. The stuff sold in grocery stores and traded by soccer moms like gluten-free communion wafers. A $28 billion industry employing 300,000 Americans is now hanging by a string because one senator from Kentucky decided his friends in the pharmaceutical and liquor industries deserved a little early Christmas present. Hemp is a sustainability powerhouse. It restores soil, requires minimal water, replaces petroplastics, and produces everything from building materials to sustainable textiles. But it also produces cannabinoids, harmless, non-intoxicating, but competitive with products that actually do pose risks and rake in profit margins. So instead of regulating hemp sensibly, Congress is preparing to kneecap it. Industry leaders are scrambling. Some hope states will be allowed autonomy, much like the patchwork around cannabis dispensaries. Others, more realistic, see the writing on the wall: a total ban, shredded supply chains, shuttered small businesses, and the acceleration of a war on cannabis markets that McConnell and the Heritage Foundation have been telegraphing for years. And the kicker? The ban may not even stand. Backlash has been immediate and furious. Members of Congress who'd barely glanced at the issue before, like Rep. Maxwell Frost and Sen. Tina Smith, are suddenly sounding alarms as voters figure out that Washington just criminalized their sleepytime gummy. But the damage is done. Once again, policy shaped by lobbyists is being dressed up as public safety. Once again, sustainability is sacrificed on the altar of profitability. Once again, the U.S. government is making sure the only industries allowed to sell psychoactive or pain-relief substances are the ones with the most expensive lobbyists. McConnell didn't ban hemp because it's dangerous. He banned it because it's useful, and because useful things that ordinary people can grow, make, or use without corporate permission have always been the first to go. And while the planet was busy trying to salvage coherent climate policy in Belém, the United States managed to humiliate itself on yet another global stage. Trump officially boycotted this year's G20 summit in South Africa, citing "human-rights abuses" against white Afrikaner farmers, an accusation lifted directly from Elon Musk's long-debunked conspiracy theory about a supposed genocide of white farmers. The claim has been repeatedly disproven by South African authorities, human-rights monitors, and even conservative think tanks, but it continues to serve Trump and Musk as an all-purpose bludgeon against any non-Western government they find inconvenient. The result was predictable: the U.S. shunned the summit, allies rolled their eyes, and middle-power democracies like Canada and South Korea quietly filled the void. South African officials publicly contradicted the White House's shifting explanations; the U.S. ended up sending only a low-level chargé d'affaires to the closing session, which host officials treated about as seriously as a late RSVP to a wedding you weren't really invited to in the first place. The message from Washington was that global cooperation is optional. The message from the rest of the world was that U.S. participation is no longer essential. In the vacuum left by American abdication, other nations are moving forward, and increasingly, they're doing it without us. And that may be the most sobering lesson of the week. Whether in the Amazon, Sudan, Washington, or the G20, the pattern is the same: institutions once depended upon to uphold global stability are now guided by grievance, conspiracy, and the profit margins of the already-powerful. In their place rises a coalition of nations, communities, and movements trying to stave off a century defined by ecological collapse, authoritarian rot, and the slow suffocation of public trust. But for today, at least we can name it plainly. This isn't drift, it's sabotage. And it's being carried out by people who believe expertise is optional, sustainability is a threat, and truth is whatever their donors or delusions demand. |

