Saturday, April 4, 2026

Something to Know - 4 April

If ever there was any reason to overthrow our "government," we have it now.   Just read this article, and reflect on our history, and the history of authoritarian regimes.   There is no reason for me to point out knowledge you are lacking; it's all right in front of you.   I am personally disgusted and ashamed of our Executive Branch and the cowards in the Legislative Branch.   I feel like someone without a country.   It is time to gather and eradicate our internal enemies.

The Military Purge Just Hit a Disastrous and Revealing Milestone from the Dictators Handbook.

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Christopher Armitage from The Existentialist Republic cmarmitage@substack.com 

1:06 AM (9 hours ago)
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Illustration by Lucy Naland. Sources: Octavio Jones / AFP / Getty; Alex Wong / Getty.


The Military Purge Just Hit a Disastrous and Revealing Milestone.

The firings of General Randy George, General David Hodne, and Major General William Green Jr. have nothing to do with wartime performance. Hegseth fired George, the Army's highest-ranking officer, while the Army's 82nd Airborne was literally en route to the Middle East. One unnamed U.S. official put it plainly to Axios: "Here is a four-star general who is actively working to get equipment and people into theater, to protect U.S. forces, and you fire him? In the middle of a war?"¹

The documented reason for George's firing is that he and Army Secretary Daniel Driscoll refused to pull four Black and female officers from a promotion list. Hegseth blocked or delayed promotions for more than a dozen Black and female senior officers across all four military branches. One U.S. official told reporters, "There is not a single service that has been immune to this level of involvement by Hegseth."² The cover story is DEI. The actual project is something larger and more deliberate.

The chapter on the Department of Defense in Project 2025, the Heritage Foundation's governing blueprint, was written by Christopher Miller, the man who served as acting Defense Secretary in the final days of Trump's first term. Miller's chapter called explicitly for decapitating military leadership, referred to career generals as "Barack Obama's generals," and laid out plans to prevent their promotions, force early retirements, and replace them with loyalists.³

The Project 2025 document states the goal plainly: "Our goal is to assemble an army of aligned, vetted, trained, and prepared conservatives to go to work on Day One to deconstruct the Administrative State."³ Hegseth announced before he was even confirmed that the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs needed to go. He said so plainly on a podcast: "Well, first of all, you got to fire, you got to fire the chairman of the Joint Chiefs."⁴ Since taking office, he has removed more than a dozen senior military leaders across multiple branches, including the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the Chief of Naval Operations. Five former defense secretaries, including Trump's own first SecDef Jim Mattis, called the pattern of firings "reckless" in a joint letter to Congress demanding hearings on the national security implications; Republican leadership scheduled no such hearings.⁵ The officer replacing George is Gen. Christopher LaNeve, a former Hegseth aide who called into Trump's inauguration ball from South Korea to congratulate the president.

Political scientists who study how democracies are killed have a name for this sequence. They call it executive aggrandizement: the use of legal mechanisms and institutional levers to concentrate power in the executive until the outward form of democratic governance remains but the substance is gone. Viktor Orbán did not eradicate democracy in Hungary overnight. He chipped away steadily, using legal systems to consolidate authority.⁶ He packed courts with loyalists. He redrew electoral districts. He captured public media. He appointed allies to every institution that might otherwise check him. The separation of powers was hollowed out, institutional neutrality disappeared, and the machinery of the state was deployed to partisan ends.⁷ By the time his advantages in elections became structurally insurmountable, it had all happened through technically lawful means. Orbán calls the result an "illiberal state." His admirers at the Heritage Foundation call it the model to emulate and refine.

The historical record on military purges is consistent. Stalin removed three of five Soviet marshals and roughly 35,000 officers between 1937 and 1938; within two years the Red Army was so hollowed out it nearly collapsed against Finland. Erdoğan used the 2016 coup attempt in Turkey as cover to dismiss over 40% of his general officer corps and replace them with loyalists. In each case the stated reason was readiness or loyalty to the state. In each case the actual result was a military answerable to one man.

For years we have seen Trump, Bannon, and others in the GOP orbit express open admiration for Orbán. The people around Trump studied Orbán's playbook carefully. And the playbook has a chapter on the military, because any attempt to permanently consolidate power runs into a specific problem: at some point, someone has to be willing to give an order, and someone else has to be willing to follow it. Project 2025 contributors Stephen Miller and Jeffrey Clark discussed invoking the Insurrection Act of 1807 to deploy the military for domestic law enforcement. Russell Vought, now the White House budget director, said the Heritage Foundation's affiliated organization was working to keep legal and defense communities from preventing use of the Insurrection Act.⁸ A military commanded by generals who called into the inauguration ball is a military that will carry out whatever domestic deployment the administration decides to call necessary.

On the same day these firings were announced, the White House proposed $1.5 trillion for defense, a 44% increase over the current budget, while cutting nondefense spending by 10%, with those reductions falling primarily on deep cuts to housing, social services, and healthcare.⁹ Trump explained his thinking at a private White House event this week: "We're fighting wars. We can't take care of day care. It's not possible for us to take care of day care, Medicaid, Medicare, all these individual things."¹⁰

We now have a military that has been purged of independent officers and flush with the largest budget in American history, while the people who need doctors die. Ask yourself what that combination is actually for. Orbán figured it out fifteen years ago. The answer is not national security. The answer is permanence.

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Juan Matute
R.B.R.
C.C.R.C.


Friday, April 3, 2026

Something to Know - 3 April

Every day there are plenty of newsletters about how bad Trump is with details of his failures.   It gets tiring and it's the same old stuff.  Sure, it is emotionally upsetting and depressing, but it does not do much to cure the problem.    Trump is polling poorly, effectively causing losses in elections where his name is associated with MAGA candidates.   Robert Reich gets to the heart of the real problem on upcoming elections; MONEY.    At the top of the list of the obscenely wealthy, a layer of political donors exists who throw money about to influence right-wing  candidates.   We all know what outside money and Citizens United have done to our political landscape.    Perhaps the Democrats should concentrate running against the wall of money instead of just Trump.  Trump has already revealed his corrupt and malicious nature to the general public.   Waging a counter campaign of shame against wealth might be more productive than just pointing out Trump's losing profile.

Who's the Biggest Money Behind the Throne?

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Robert Reich 

1:06 AM (8 hours ago)
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Friends,

It's important that we demonstrated against Trump's assertion of royal powers.

It's at least as important to follow the money — and learn the identities of America's billionaire royalty who crowned Trump in the first place. They're now spending another regal fortune to keep Congress under his control.

Today I'm going to name names.

As of March 1, according to a new report from Americans for Tax Fairness, the 50 biggest-spending billionaires in American politics had already contributed over $433 million to the upcoming midterm political campaigns.

Not surprisingly, 80 percent of this haul is in support of Republican candidates or conservative issue groups.

Given how early we are in the process, and how contributions tend to accelerate closer to Election Day, 2026 will almost surely set a new record for billionaire money in midterm elections. (Because of our current pathetically weak campaign finance laws, courtesy of the Supreme Court, fat-cat contributors are funneling huge sums through super PACs. While such spending is supposed to be independent of the campaign being supported, rules against coordination are now going largely unenforced.)

WHO THEY ARE

MUSK
The single biggest contributor is, of course, Elon Musk — the world's richest person — who has plunked down almost $71 million into Republican midterm campaigns so far.

Musk contributed a total of $278 million in the 2024 election cycle, mostly for getting Trump reelected. His "investment" has paid off nicely. Musk's net worth has grown 220 percent since Trump won in 2024.

Musk's latest cash infusion to Republicans came after his short destructive stint as head of the "Department of Government Efficiency," where he helped place his cronies into high-level positions throughout the federal government.

Yes, I know. Musk and Trump had a falling out. But since then both have realized they have more to gain as political partners. And now that Musk's SpaceX satellite system is integral to Pete Hegseth's Department of "War," Musk has filed for an initial public offering, seeking a valuation over $2 trillion and potentially raising $75 billion, which would make it the largest IPO in history.

The New York Times reports that Musk participated in a phone call on Tuesday with Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India. Musk's companies have taken on significant investment from sovereign wealth funds from Middle Eastern countries, including Saudi Arabia and Qatar, and he has long coveted a greater commercial presence in India.

YASS
Musk is followed in the billionaire-spending-on-politics sweepstakes by Wall Street financier Jeff Yass, who has contributed more than $55 million so far in this midterm election cycle. He's donated $16 million to MAGA, Inc., Trump's super PAC, dedicated to supporting candidates he backs.

The Yass donations came as Trump was deciding whether to delay the forced sale of the social media app TikTok, in which Yass was a major investor. Trump repeatedly delayed the sale, saving Yass's lucrative investment.

In addition, Yass has donated $10 million apiece to the anti-tax Club for Growth PAC; to another PAC that wants to drain funds from public schools to support private ones; and to a PAC that supports the political ambitions of former Republican presidential candidate Vivek Ramaswamy. Yass has also donated $7.5 million to a PAC dedicated to supporting House members of (and House candidates aspiring to belong to) the radical-right Freedom Caucus.

BROCKMAN
In third place is San Francisco AI tech mogul Greg Brockman, who has given $25 million in midterm money so far — mostly to Trump's super PAC, presumably because Brockman wants to dismantle state-level AI regulations through federal preemptive action and thinks Trump will help him.

As president of OpenAI, Brockman recently agreed to let the Pentagon use his company's AI technology — which his competitor Anthropic publicly refused to do over concerns about mass surveillance and autonomous weapons.

UIHLEIN
Packaging titan Dick Uihlein has long been a major donor to right-wing candidates and causes. (Among the beneficiaries of his largesse have been many politicians who denied Donald Trump's loss to Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election.)

The biggest recipients of Uihlein midterm money so far are two super PACs for which Uihlein and his wife are the principal backers: $5 million to Restoration of America, supporting conservative political candidates; and $3.5 million to Fair Courts America, which the Uihleins founded to support conservative candidates for judicial office.

SCHWARZMAN
Private equity mogul Stephen Schwarzman has long been a major Republican Party megadonor. As CEO of the giant investment management company Blackstone, Schwarzman has built a career on predatory business practices and disregard for the public good, while leveraging his immense wealth to rig the system in his favor.

So far in the midterms, Schwarzman has spent: $5 million for Trump's super PAC; $5 million for the Republican Senate Leadership Fund; $1 million for the Republican Congressional Leadership Fund; and $1 million to a super PAC exclusively backing Republican Senate Whip John Cornyn.

***

As we approach the 250th anniversary of our independence from the British monarchy, it's more important than ever to commit ourselves to getting big money out of American politics.

As I've noted, here's a potential way to do this without waiting for the Supreme Court to reverse its Citizens United decision or amending the Constitution. Another is through small-donor financing. The two aren't mutually exclusive; indeed, we should push for both.

Billionaires are not singularly responsible for corrupting our system of government, of course — and not all billionaires are doing this.

But as wealth continues to concentrate at the top, America finds itself in a doom loop in which giant campaign donations from the super-rich buy political decisions that make them even richer.

This doom loop is the power behind the throne on which Trump shits sits.


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Thursday, April 2, 2026

Something to Know - 2 April

Yesterday was one of those days that will live in infamy for a couple of reasons.   The first instance involved a sitting president attending a Supreme Court session during litigation concerning his move to deny all birthright citizenships.   The court seemed to cast a bad omen for Trump, especially when Chief Justice Roberts remarked, that...."yes, times and changes have happened since the beginnings, but it is still the same old Constitution."   Feeling shunned, Trump left with his attorney general after a short period; they had had enough.   The second reason is that a few hours later, Trump stood before TV cameras for a national address where he lied and sugarcoated his defeat with an utterly disgraceful declaration of war on Iran.   He did not have a good day.


Heather Cox Richardson from Letters from an American heathercoxrichardson@substack.com 
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Wed, Apr 1, 9:36 PM (12 hours ago)
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Today, for the first time in U.S. history, a sitting president attended oral arguments at the United States Supreme Court. President Donald J. Trump broke precedent to take a seat in the front row of the Supreme Court's public seating area, alongside Attorney General Pam Bondi and Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, to observe arguments in the case of Trump v. Barbara, a case under which Trump hopes to end the birthright citizenship guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.

The case argued before the court today grew out of Trump's executive order of January 20, 2025, the day he took the oath of office a second time, titled "Protecting the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship." Fulfilling a campaign promise, the order declared that, contrary to the Fourteenth Amendment, individuals born in the United States are not citizens if their parents do not have legal permanent status.

With the help of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) and other partners, three families who represented the many people endangered by this order sued the administration. Barbara, for whom the case is named, is an applicant for asylum from Honduras whose baby was due after the order was set to go into effect.

Trump has called for ending birthright citizenship since his first term as part of his appeal to his racist supporters who want to end Black and Brown equality in the United States. But his argument would overturn the central idea of the United States articulated in the Declaration of Independence, that we are all created equal.

The Fourteenth Amendment that established birthright citizenship came out of a very specific moment and addressed a specific problem. After the Civil War ended in 1865, former Confederates in the American South denied their Black neighbors basic rights. To remedy the problem, the Republican Congress passed a civil rights bill in 1866 establishing "[t]hat all persons born in the United States and not subject to any foreign power, excluding Indians, not taxed, are hereby declared to be citizens of the United States; and such citizens of every race and color…shall have the same right[s] in every State and Territory in the United States."

But President Andrew Johnson, who was a southern Democrat elected in 1864 on a union ticket with President Abraham Lincoln, a Republican, vetoed the 1866 Civil Rights Bill. While the Republican Party organized in the 1850s to fight the idea that there should be different classes of Americans based on race, Democrats tended to support racial discrimination. In that era, not only Black Americans, but also Irish, Chinese, Mexican, and Indigenous Americans, faced discriminatory state laws.

In contrast to the Democrats, Republicans stated explicitly in their 1860 platform that they were "opposed to any change in our naturalization laws or any state legislation by which the rights of citizens hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad."

When Republicans tried to enshrine civil rights into federal law in 1866, Johnson objected that the proposed law "comprehends the Chinese of the Pacific States, Indians subject to taxation, the people called Gipsies, as well as the entire race designated as blacks," as citizens, and noted that if "all persons who are native-born already are, by virtue of the Constitution, citizens of the United States, the passage of the pending bill cannot be necessary to make them such." And if they weren't already citizens, he wrote, Congress should not pass a law "to make our entire colored population and all other excepted classes citizens of the United States" when eleven southern states were not represented in Congress.

When Congress wrote the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution, it took Johnson's admonition to heart. It did not confer citizenship on the groups Johnson outlined; it simply acknowledged that the Constitution had already established their citizenship. The first sentence of the Fourteenth Amendment reads: "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside."

In the short term, Americans recognized that the Fourteenth Amendment overturned the 1857 Dred Scott v. Sandford decision, in which the Supreme Court ruled that people of African descent "are not included, and were not intended to be included, under the word 'citizens' in the Constitution, and can therefore claim none of the rights and privileges which that instrument provides for and secures to citizens of the United States." The Fourteenth Amendment established that Black men were citizens.

But the question of whether the amendment recognized birthright citizenship for all immigrants quickly became an issue in the American West, where white settlers were not terribly concerned about Black Americans—there were only 4,272 Black Americans in California in 1870, while there were almost half a million white Americans—but wanted no part of allowing Chinese men to be part of American society.

Western state legislatures continued to discriminate against Asian immigrants by falling back on the country's early naturalization laws, finalized in 1802, to exclude first Chinese immigrants and then others from citizenship. Those laws were carefully designed to clarify that Afro-Caribbeans and Africans—imported to be enslaved—would not have the same rights as Euro-Americans. Those laws permitted only "free white persons" to become citizens.

In the late nineteenth century, state and territorial legal systems kept people of color at the margins, using treaties, military actions, and territorial and state laws that limited land ownership, suffrage, and intermarriage.

As late as 1922, in the case of Takao Ozawa v. United States, the Supreme Court ruled that Takao Ozawa, born in Japan, could not become a citizen under the 1906 Naturalization Act because that law had not overridden the 1790 naturalization law limiting citizenship to "free white persons." The court decided that "white person" meant "persons of the Caucasian Race." "A Japanese, born in Japan, being clearly not a Caucasian, cannot be made a citizen of the United States," it said.

The next year, the Supreme Court decision in United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind upheld the argument that only "free white persons" could become citizens. In that case, the court said that Thind, an Indian Sikh man who identified himself as Indo-European, could not become a U.S. citizen because he was not a "white person" under U.S. law, and only "free white persons" could become citizens. After the Thind decision, the United States stripped the citizenship of about fifty South Asian Americans who had already become American citizens.

Those discriminatory laws would stand until after World War II, when U.S. calculations of who could be a citizen shifted along with global alliances and Americans of all backgrounds turned out to save democracy.

But despite the longstanding use of laws designed to perpetuate human enslavement to prevent certain immigrants from becoming citizens, the Supreme Court always upheld the citizenship of their children. In 1882, during a period of racist hysteria, Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act agreeing that Chinese immigrants could not become citizens.

Wong Kim Ark was born around 1873, the child of Chinese parents who were merchants in San Francisco. In 1889 he traveled with his parents when they repatriated to China, where he married. He then returned to the U.S., leaving his wife behind, and was readmitted. After another trip to China in 1894, though, customs officials denied him reentry to the U.S. in 1895, claiming he was a Chinese subject because his parents were Chinese.

Wong sued, and his lawsuit was the first to climb all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, thanks to the government's recognition that with the U.S. in the middle of an immigration boom, the question of birthright citizenship must be addressed. In the 1898 U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark decision, the court held by a vote of 6–2 that Wong was a citizen because he was born in the United States.

Immigration scholar Hidetaka Hirota of the University of California, Berkeley, explains that the government went even further to protect children born in the U.S. In 1889 the Treasury Department—which then oversaw immigration—decided that a native-born child could not be sent out of the country with her foreign-born mother. Nor did the government want to hurt the U.S. citizen by expelling her mother and leaving her without a guardian. So it admitted the foreign-born mother to take care of the citizen child.

The Treasury concluded that it was not "the intention of Congress to sever the sacred ties existing between parent and child, or forcibly banish and expatriate a native-born child for the reason that its parent is a pauper."

In May 2023, then–presidential candidate Donald J. Trump released a video promising that on "Day One" of a new presidential term, he would issue an executive order that would end birthright citizenship. He claimed that the understanding that anyone born in the United States is automatically a citizen is "based on an historical myth, and a willful misinterpretation of the law by the open borders advocates."

But one judge after another has sided against him on this issue, and he apparently showed up at the Supreme Court today to try to intimidate the three judges who owe their seats on the bench to him into supporting his own radical reworking of one of the key principles of our nation. He left after an hour and a half, before Cecillia Wang, the ACLU lawyer arguing for the plaintiffs, began to speak.

Later, Wang described what it was like to argue in court today. She explained, it's "a nerve-wracking experience to argue any case in the Supreme Court, and especially one as weighty as this one, where the president of the United States is taking aim at a cherished American tradition and individual right of citizenship based on your birth in this country. I myself am a Fourteenth Amendment citizen because my parents had not yet naturalized when I was born. So I walked in today with the spirit of my parents and so many people's ancestors in that first generation of Americans—whether they naturalized or not, I consider them all Americans. They came to this country with hopes and dreams, and they gave birth to future Americans, and that's us."



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Juan Matute
R.B.R.
C.C.R.C.