Wednesday, November 26, 2025

Something to Know -26 November

Most of you expect to see stories and columns about the political theater of our government.  Well, yes that is true.   However, there are other sources of things to know which are more relevant and need understanding.   Today's newsletter is about something that is probably more important than a lot of stuff that goes on in the political world; education of our young people.   Well, that is not totally true - you will see how politics are to blame for much of the problems. The article was sent to from someone in my college circle who makes it her purpose in life to inform.   She has forwarded this piece, which is only acknowledged as "Yang for NYT".  Some internet sleuthing leads one to believe it is from this employee of the New York Times - https://www.nytimes.com/by/jia-lynn-yang .  It is a longer read than usual, but I think you will be wiser for the effort to read it all.


Yang for NYT: "One of the more bewildering aspects of the already high-stress endeavor of 21st-century American parenting is that at some point your child is likely to be identified with a psychiatric diagnosis of one kind or another. Many exist in a gray zone that previous generations of parents never encountered.

A diagnosis of attention deficit hyperactivity disorder is practically a rite of passage in American boyhood, with nearly one in four 17-year-old boys bearing the diagnosis. The numbers have only gone up, and vertiginously: One million more children were diagnosed with A.D.H.D. in 2022 than in 2016.

The numbers on autism are so shocking that they are worth repeating. In the early 1980s, one in 2,500 children had an autism diagnosis. That figure is now one in 31.

Nearly 32 percent of adolescents have been diagnosed at some point with anxiety; the median age of "onset" is 6 years old. More than one in 10 adolescents have experienced a major depressive disorder, according to some estimates. New categories materialize. There is now oppositional defiant disorder, in addition to pathological demand avoidance.

So perhaps it should be little surprise that even among our deeply polarized political leaders, there is broad agreement that America's children are not well.

Health Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. released a strategy report in September entitled "Make Our Children Healthy Again," with ideas on how to improve the mental health of children with better diets, less screen time and fewer medications. Illinois's governor, the Trump antagonist JB Pritzker, recently made his state the first in the nation to require schools to do universal mental health screenings.

No doubt the causes of the mental health crisis are multifaceted. Some disorders tend to run in families. Screens have thoroughly invaded childhood, supplanting the sleep, exercise and socializing in person that can ward off depression and anxiety.

And yet no one in political leadership — or our broader national conversation about mental health — seems to be asking about the environment where children spend most of their waking hours: school.

There is growing evidence that school itself is essential to understanding why so many children seem to be struggling. It can be a cause of stress that exacerbates anxiety or depression; but just as importantly and less frequently acknowledged, it is often where disorder presents, leading many children — and their parents — down the path toward a diagnosis.

The experience of school has changed rapidly in recent generations. Starting in the 1980s, a metrics-obsessed regime took over American education and profoundly altered the expectations placed on children, up and down the class ladder. In fact, it has altered the experience of childhood itself.

This era of policymaking has largely ebbed, with disappointing results. Math and reading levels are at their lowest in decades. The rules put in place by both political parties were well-meaning, but in trying to make more children successful, they also circumscribed more tightly who could be served by school at all.

"What's happening is, instead of saying, 'We need to fix the schools,' the message is, 'We need to fix the kids,'" said Peter Gray, a research professor at Boston College and the author of "Free to Learn: Why Unleashing the Instinct to Play Will Make Our Children Happier, More Self-Reliant, and Better Students for Life."

"The track has become narrower and narrower, so a greater range of people don't fit that track anymore," he said. "And the result is, we want to call it a disorder."
No Child Left Behind, No Time to Eat Lunch

School was not always so central to American childhood. In 1950, less than half of all children attended kindergarten. Only about 50 percent graduated from high school, and without much professional penalty. A person spent fewer years of their life in school, and fewer hours in the day furiously trying to learn. However bored a child might become sitting behind a desk, freedom awaited after the final bell rang, with hours after school to play without the direction of adults.

But as the country's economy shifted from factories and farms to offices, being a student became a more serious matter. The outcome of your life could depend on it.

During an era of global competition, the country's leaders also began to see school as a potential venue for national glory, or shame. In 1983, a commission created by Ronald Reagan's secretary of education, Terrel H. Bell, released a dire report on the state of American schools called "A Nation at Risk." It warned that "if an unfriendly foreign power had attempted to impose on America the mediocre educational performance that exists today, we might well have viewed it as an act of war."

Over the next decade, Democratic and Republican governors such as Bill Clinton in Arkansas and Lamar Alexander in Tennessee began molding their states' schools with new standards of testing and accountability. Schools were treated more like publicly traded companies, with test scores as proxies for profits. Before long, schools had public ratings, so ubiquitous they now appear on real estate listings.

The pressure kept rising. By 2001, 30 states had laws that imposed a system of punishments and rewards for schools based on their test scores. The next year, President George W. Bush's signature education reform law, No Child Left Behind, made the effort national.

With school funding now on the line, there were unmistakable incentives for children to be diagnosed. Starting in the 1990s, students with autism or A.D.H.D. become newly eligible for added support in the classroom. Getting a child treated, potentially with medication, could help an entire classroom achieve higher scores, especially if the child's behavior was disruptive to others. And in some parts of the country, children with disabilities were not counted toward a school's overall marks, a carve-out that could boost scores.

The added metrics may well have compelled more children to receive the support they needed. Either way, educational policymaking yielded a change in diagnoses. In states that added new accountability standards, researchers found a clear rise in A.D.H.D. According to one analysis, the rate of A.D.H.D. diagnoses among children ages 8 to 13 in low-income homes went from 10 percent to 15 percent after the arrival of No Child Left Behind.

The impact of the law on autism diagnoses has been less documented. But there is a great deal of overlap among these disorders. Anywhere from 30 to 80 percent of children diagnosed with autism also have A.D.H.D. Experts have also pointed out that the rise in autism has largely taken place on the more subtle end of the spectrum, where psychiatrists expanded the diagnosis. Students with this profile often need educators who can be eminently flexible in their approach, a tough task when an entire classroom has to focus on narrowly mastering certain testable skills.

The demands on performance in higher grades trickled down into younger and younger ages. In 2009, the Obama administration offered greater funding to schools that adopted new national learning standards called the Common Core. These included an emphasis on reading by the end of kindergarten, even though many early childhood experts believe that not all children are developmentally ready to read at that age.

With each new wave of reforms, the tenor of kindergarten changed. Rote lessons in math and reading crept into classrooms, even though experts say young children learn best through play. Researchers discovered that in the span of about a decade, kindergarten had suddenly become more like first grade.

Preschool was not far behind, as even toddlers were expected to stay still for longer stretches of time to imbibe academic lessons. This again defied the consensus among early childhood experts. Children, parents and teachers struggle through this mismatch daily. In 2005, a study showed that preschoolers were frequently being expelled for misbehavior, and at rates more than three times that of school-age children.

"We're not aligning the developmental needs of kids with the policies and practices that go on daily with schools," said Denise Pope, senior lecturer at Stanford University and co-founder of Challenge Success, a nonprofit group that works with schools to improve student well-being.

The pressure to learn more led to a restructuring of the school day itself. Before the 1980s, American children usually had recess breaks throughout the day. By 2016, only eight states required daily recess in elementary schools. And when researchers studied what had become of lunchtime, they learned that children often had just 20 minutes to not only eat but stop to use the bathroom after class, walk to the cafeteria and wait in line for food.

Pope pointed to the bizarrely packed schedules for middle and high schoolers. "You've got seven different homework assignments that you've got to remember each night. Think of the cognitive load of a sixth-grade boy," she said. "I challenge many adults to do this."

Some parents may see children who simply need to toughen up. The world that awaits is not easy either. What they may not realize is how much children have begun to see school as an endless chore to be endured — the means to some promised end on the other side of childhood. This makes it only harder for them to learn the very skills they need most as adults.

Anxiety and depression seem inevitable when school is a field in a game for economic survival, played by children hoping to secure enough stability to last the rest of their lives. In a 2020 paper, Yale researchers found that nearly 80 percent of high schoolers said they were stressed; almost 70 percent reported being bored.

"Overall, students see school as a place where they experience negative emotions," explained Marc Brackett, a co-author of the report when it was released.
The Children Who Don't Fit

In the face of an unyielding education system, more parents are discovering that their children simply don't fit, a terrifying possibility when achievement in school can determine achievement in life. At that point, the best thing to do is to prove that your child has a mental disorder. With a doctor's diagnosis, at least, adaptations are possible.

In this way, the rise in diagnoses is also a revolt against education policymaking that strips away the particulars of people, treating them as interchangeable data points. The best teachers understand that every child has a distinct way of learning. This is especially true for children who fall outside the ever-diminishing definition of normal.

The people clamoring loudest for a diagnosis of A.D.H.D. or autism are often parents. For many families, the medications criticized by Kennedy allow their children to participate in school at all.

The need for special services in school has become so severe that families have lobbied the American Psychiatric Association to maintain a broad definition of autism, in order to avoid being pushed out of a diagnosis. The number of children with disabilities receiving support in public schools last year hit a record 7.5 million, a 17 percent increase since the 2012-13 school year. In some states, such as New York and Pennsylvania, as many as 21 percent of students are supposed to receive some adaptation.

Some of the support being requested — for instance, being allowed to move more, rather than sitting so long — would likely benefit all children. Instead, school districts try to mash individual needs into a system antithetical to them. The sheer cost and logistics of this are unsustainable. Many students who are legally entitled to support do not receive them.

Meanwhile, the Trump administration has threatened to gut the Department of Education's civil rights division, which enforces the federal law guaranteeing that children with disabilities receive a free public education.

School districts are trying to address the mental health crisis by teaching children how to better manage their emotions. Funding has poured into counseling services. But these approaches do not lift a larger mirror to school itself as a major source of stress and anxiety. Meanwhile, the teachers of America also report overwhelming levels of burnout.

Rather than wait for changes to come, many parents are giving up on the system altogether. A poll in 2023 found that about one in three home-schooling parents were unhappy with how their schools had educated their children with special needs, prompting them to leave. Parents are also increasingly turning to microschools, essentially learning pods with small numbers of children who can receive more individual attention.

Some of these parents identify as being part of an "unschooling" movement, in which they believe that school has done more harm than good for their children. They may be onto something. A 2016 paper showed that many young adults with childhood diagnoses of A.D.H.D. saw their symptoms improve once they left school and began working in a field that interested them.

This discontent helps empower the conservative effort to defund the public school system and let parents pick their own schools, with taxpayers covering the tuition. Each child who no longer seems to fit into the country's education system — and more often than not they are boys — potentially expands the constituency for these ideas. And trust erodes further in the progressive project of a democracy built on giving everyone a free and equal education.

The chief defender of that project, the Democratic Party, is ill-suited to addressing this crisis. Not only must it navigate teachers unions who may be skeptical of still more grandiose ideas on how to fix schools. The party has also become the political home of the meritocratic elite, the people perhaps least likely to see flaws in the system that crowned them as winners.

By turning childhood into a thing that can be measured, adults have managed to impose their greatest fears of failure onto the youngest among us. Each child who strays from our standards becomes a potential medical mystery to be solved, with more tests to take, more metrics to assess. The only thing that seems to consistently evade the detectives is the world around that child — the one made by the grown-ups."
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Juan Matute
CCRC
Claremont, California
Harold Wilke House

Tuesday, November 25, 2025

A Ranting Release

If you are one of those readers who, upon certain occasions, needs to go into a padded room and just scream out, this is for you:

Trump isn't just a bad man — he's what leaks out when a society stops insisting on standards. He's the sludge at the bottom of the barrel that somehow climbed out and convinced people he's champagne. Every instinct he has is predatory. Every impulse is base. He's the closest thing American politics has ever produced to a human pollutant.

This is a man whose entire relationship to other people — men, women, children — is transactional, dominative, or exploitative. The documented behavior alone is revolting: creeping around dressing rooms full of teenagers, bragging on tape about grabbing strangers, rating his own daughter like she's a contestant in some deranged private pageant in his head. Everything about him smells like stale perfume and fresh coercion.

He radiates the energy of a man who has never once seen another human being as fully real. Just props. Just bodies. Just opportunities — especially the young, the vulnerable, the ones he thinks won't fight back. He is a lifelong predator who thinks the world exists to indulge him.

And now he's back in office, dragging the machinery of the state into the gutter with him. A government run by Trump is a government where files disappear, critics get "investigated," whistleblowers suddenly go quiet, and the powerful smile too easily when people vanish from view. He learned the strongman playbook and threw out everything except the intimidation chapter.

People talk about strong presidents. Trump is a weak man with state power — which is infinitely more dangerous. Weak men in high office don't govern. They retaliate. They weaponize insecurity. They turn fear into policy.

At least Hitler liked dogs. Trump doesn't convincingly like anything unless it claps for him or bends the knee. You have to work pretty damn hard to be morally outclassed by a genocidal maniac on the "basic mammal empathy" scale, but here we are.

Not since Caligula have we seen a leader so shamelessly revolve around his own depravity — and Caligula, for all his monstrosity, at least tried to be entertaining. Trump can't even manage that. He's petty without style, cruel without purpose, decadent without imagination. A small man doing enormous damage.

And Caligula at least had the excuse of madness. Trump? He's wobbling somewhere between malignant and mentally unraveling, and the country gets to play guess-which-mode-he's-in every morning. One moment he's lucid enough to weaponize his cruelty with surgical precision, the next he's slurring conspiracies like a drunk uncle who grabbed the wrong mic at a family reunion.

You can literally watch the mind flicker — bragging, ranting, forgetting, circling back, contradicting himself, then declaring victory over battles he invented five minutes earlier. That instability doesn't soften him; it sharpens him into something even more dangerous. A man who's losing his grip on reality but still clutching state power isn't a president. He's a rolling national emergency with hairspray fumes for a world-view.

If he were fully sane, we'd be dealing with a tyrant. If he were fully gone, we'd be dealing with a patient. Instead we're trapped in the grotesque middle zone — the twilight where ego, decay, and vindictiveness merge into one swaying, snarling spectacle of a man who shouldn't be trusted to steer a golf cart, let alone a country.

Whatever he is, he's not well. And he's dragging the country into the same psychic ditch he's been festering in for decades.

He leaves corruption the way slugs leave slime. Every institution he touches warps. Every person who gets close to him shrivels. His allies degrade themselves. His enemies multiply. His country decays under the weight of his insecurity. He is entropy in a golf shirt.

And let's be clear: there is nothing tragic about him. No Shakespearean flaw, no tortured backstory, no "if only he had chosen differently" nonsense. He's exactly what he wants to be: a cruel mediocrity who figured out how to capture power by appealing to fear, resentment, and the numbed moral nerves of a collapsing political culture.

Trump isn't a leader — he's a plague. A reminder that democracies don't fall to geniuses, but to bottom-feeders who discover that enough people will cheer while the country is marched into the dark.

The only creature he's ever shown real tenderness toward is his own reflection — and even then, only on days when the lights are flattering.


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Juan Matute
 C C R C
Claremont, California


Something to Know - 25 November

Someone sent me this gem last night.   So, I just spiffed it up into my usual format and knew that you would be entertained, but for the most part; informed.   Most of us have a vision of what goes on in Congress, and we have heard references that the money game plays a big part of a legislator's time.   This gem paints a more realistic picture for us about what goes on.   It is easier to see how legislators are either bought out with corporate special interests or depend on the support that is more inline with common voters.  Somehow, we have got to remove the financial monster that is between our legislators and the legislation.   Guess who wants to keep this current de-facto operation as is?  The Lobbyist Industry Complex (new term?) is in existence because the corporate business and the wealthy have a lot more money than we do - so just guess who wins.  We would like to see the money removed from the equation of legislating, but that takes a strong effort to overcome.   So, with enough money to be seen and heard, the Bill For Legislation Reformation is done with an overwhelming mass of public opinion and pressure.   LIC ...(lobbyist industrial complex),  I like that.  It defines a big problem.


Bruce Fanger author 

  Congress Spends Half Its Time Begging for Money — and We're the Ones Paying for It

If Americans really understood how members of Congress spend their time, they'd riot before breakfast.

Here's the ugly truth: while the House averages 147 legislative days a year and the Senate around 165, the real schedule — the one that actually governs their lives — is the fundraising calendar. Freshmen are quietly told to expect 20–30 hours a week dialing for dollars. Not researching a bill. Not meeting constituents. Not negotiating policy. Just calling rich people and PACs like overpaid telemarketers with better business cards.

And the kicker?
We're paying them full salary while they do it.

A member of Congress earns $174,000/year, but the taxpayer's true cost is much higher. When you factor in their office budgets, staff, committee support, benefits, and institutional overhead, the real public cost per member is around $3–4 million a year.

If half their workweek is spent fundraising, then roughly $1.5–2 million per member, per year, is effectively taxpayer-funded begging.

Multiply that by 535, and you're staring at a system where close to $800 million to $1 billion a year of our money goes to subsidizing political fundraising instead of governing. That's before you count the far bigger downstream price tag:

corporate carveouts slipped into bills

donor-driven tax loopholes

regulatory agencies defanged to keep check-writers happy

rushed legislation because members didn't have time to read it

and the enormous economic drag of corruption, which political economists estimate in the tens of billions.

This is the hidden tax we never voted for: the cost of a political system addicted to donor money.

Getting money out of politics isn't idealism. It's fiscal responsibility. Every hour a member spends on the phone instead of doing their job is an hour taxpayers pay for twice — once in salary, and again in the crooked policy that follows.

Cut off the donor pipeline, and suddenly members have no excuse not to legislate. No reason to dodge tough votes. No incentive to perform for billionaires. No captive calendar carved up by the call sheet.

We don't just get a cleaner democracy.
We get a cheaper one.

Sources

Average legislative days per year:
ThoughtCo, "Average Number of Legislative Days" (House ~147, Senate ~165).

Fundraising time expectations:
Issue One, Congressional Fundraising Treadmill — freshmen told to spend 20–30 hours/week fundraising.

CBS News, 60 Minutes: Members told to raise ~$18,000/day; schedules structured around call time.

Member salary and office costs:
Congressional Research Service (CRS), Member Pay & Allowances; House and Senate office budgets ~1.3–1.9M/year.

Economic cost of corruption:
World Bank, IMF research estimating tens-of-billions drag from political corruption; see "The Costs of Corruption" (2019).


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Juan Matute
 C C C
Claremont, California


Monday, November 24, 2025

Something to Know - 24 November

HCR points out a couple of gems from the non-professional, inconsistent, uncoordinated, and inept Trump administration.   This thing about Putin's plan of a "peace agreement"  is neither for Ukraine's best interests, nor in the best interests of a European NATO.   The United States of America does not even have a coordinated say in the game.   Foreign Policy is not Donald's forté, everybody knows that, but even he did not know about this so-called "agreement".   Read all about this mess, and how we appear to be leaving Zelinsky and the Ukraine under the bus.  In other matters, I have learned of a new definition, that is a riff on what Eisenhower was to have said; "Political Industrial Complex".   HCR ends it all with a clown car fire started by an unhealthy cabinet secretary.


Heather Cox Richardson from Letters from an American heathercoxrichardson@substack.com 
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Nov 23, 2025, 11:44 PM (11 hours ago)
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"Do I understand correctly that there is now a dispute within the administration about whether this 'peace plan' was written by Russians or Americans?" foreign affairs journalist Anne Applebaum asked last night on social media.

Applebaum was referring to confusion over a 28-point plan for an end to Russia's war on Ukraine reported by Barak Ravid and Dave Lawler of Axios last week. After the plan was leaked, apparently to Ravid by Kirill Dmitriev, an ally of Russian president Vladimir Putin who is under U.S. sanctions, Vice President J.D. Vance came out strongly in support of it.

But as scholar of strategic studies Phillips P. OBrien noted in Phillips's Newsletter, once it became widely known that the plan was written by the Russians, Secretary of State Marco Rubio tried to back away from it, posting on social media on Wednesday that "[e]nding a complex and deadly war such as the one in Ukraine requires an extensive exchange of serious and realistic ideas. And achieving a durable peace will require both sides to agree to difficult but necessary concessions. That is why we are and will continue to develop a list of potential ideas for ending this war based on input from both sides of this conflict."

And yet, by Friday, Trump said he expected Ukraine president Volodymyr Zelensky to sign onto the plan by Thanksgiving: next Thursday, November 27. Former senate majority leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) said: "Putin has spent the entire year trying to play President Trump for a fool. Rewarding Russian butchery would be disastrous to America's interests."

Yesterday a group of senators, foreign affairs specialists gathered in Halifax, Nova Scotia, for the Halifax International Security Forum, told reporters they had spoken to Rubio about the plan. Senator Angus King (I-ME) said Rubio had told them that the document "was not the administration's position" but rather "a wish list of the Russians." Senator Mike Rounds (R-SC) said: "This administration was not responsible for this release in its current form." He added: "I think he made it very clear to us that we are the recipients of a proposal that was delivered to one of our representatives," Rounds said. "It is not our recommendation, it is not our peace plan."

But then a spokesperson for the State Department, Tommy Pigott, called the senators' account of the origins of the plan "blatantly false," and Rubio abruptly switched course, posting on social media that in fact the U.S. had written the plan.

Anton La Guardia, diplomatic editor at The Economist, posted: "State Department is backpedalling on Rubio's backpedal. If for a moment you thought the grown-ups were back in charge, think again. We're still in the circus. 'Unbelievable,' mutters one [of the] disbelieving senators."

Later that day, Erin Banco and Gram Slattery of Reuters reported that the proposal had come out of a meeting in Miami between Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff, Trump's son-in-law Jared Kushner, and Dmitriev, who leads one of Russia's largest sovereign wealth funds. They reported that senior officials in the State Department and on the National Security Council were not briefed about the plan.

This morning, Bill Kristol of The Bulwark reported rumors that Vice President J.D. Vance was "key to US embrace of Russia plan on Ukraine, Rubio (and even Trump) out of the loop." He posted that relations between Vance and Rubio are "awful" and that Rubio did, in fact, tell the senators what they said he did.

Yaroslav Trofimov, chief foreign affairs correspondent of the Wall Street Journal, posted: "Foreign nations now have to deal with rival factions of the U.S. government who keep major policy initiatives secret from each other and some of which work with foreign powers as the succession battle for 2028 begins, is how one diplomat put it."

The elections of 2026 and 2028 are clearly on Republicans' minds as polls show Trump's policies to be increasingly unpopular.

On Friday, Trump met at the White House with New York City mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani. Although Trump had previously called Mamdani a "communist lunatic" and a "stupid person" and had threatened to withhold federal funding from New York City if Mamdani won, the meeting was friendly. Trump, who has seemed warm and affable since snarling "Quiet, Piggy!" to a reporter on Air Force One on November 14, praised the mayor-elect and said he'd "feel very comfortable" living in New York City after Mamdani takes the reins.

Trump's friendly banter with Mamdani appeared a way to acknowledge voters' frustration with the economy. During his campaign, Mamdani promised to address those economic frustrations. Trump told reporters: "We agree on a lot more than I thought. I want him to do a great job, and we'll help him do a great job." This embrace of a politician MAGA Republicans had attacked as a communist left Trump's supporters unsure how to respond.

On Friday, Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-GA) announced she is resigning from Congress. Her last day will be January 5, 2026, days after she secures her congressional pension. In her four-page announcement, she maintained she was frustrated that those like her, who she said represent "the common American people," cannot get their measures passed because "the Political Industrial Complex of both Political Parties" ignores them in favor of "[c]orporate and global interests."

She blamed Trump for forcing her out of Congress, saying: "I have too much self respect and dignity, love my family way too much, and do not want my sweet district to have to endure a hurtful and hateful primary against me by the President we all fought for, only to fight and win my election while Republicans will likely lose the midterms. And in turn, be expected to defend the President against impeachment after he hatefully dumped tens of millions of dollars against me and tried to destroy me."

Greene appears to be shifting to fit into a post-Trump future. "When the common American people finally realize and understand that the Political Industrial Complex of both parties is ripping this country apart, that not one elected leader like me is able to stop Washington's machine from gradually destroying our country, and instead the reality is that they, common Americans, The People, possess the real power over Washington," she wrote, "then I'll be here by their side to rebuild it."

Another scandal coming from the Cabinet will not help the administration dig out from its cratering popularity.

Just after midnight Friday night, the former fiancé of the journalist who had a romantic relationship with Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. dropped another installment of his version of the saga. It included a graphic pornographic poem that would have ended a cabinet member's career in any normal administration. The ex-fiancé said other poems he had found were even more explicit.

This revelation came the day after Kennedy acknowledged that he had personally told the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) to change information on the CDC website to say the claim that vaccines do not cause autism is not "evidence-based." As Sheryl Gay Stolberg of the New York Times notes, Kennedy admits that studies have shown no link between vaccines and autism, but he wanted the change because there are still other studies to be done. As Stolberg wrote, "He said he is not saying vaccines cause autism; he is simply saying there is no proof that they don't."

Kennedy is neither a doctor nor a scholar of public health, and Stolberg notes that "[i]t is highly unusual for a health secretary to personally order a change to scientific guidance."

In order to get support for his cabinet nomination, Kennedy promised Senator Bill Cassidy (R-LA), a physician, that he would not remove from the CDC website a statement saying that vaccines do not cause autism. That statement is still at the top of the "Autism and Vaccines" page of the CDC website, but now it has an asterisk keyed to a footnote saying it had not been removed because of Kennedy's promise to Cassidy, and the text of the page says that "studies supporting a link have been ignored by health authorities."

Today, CNN's Jake Tapper said to Cassidy: "He lied to you." Cassidy answered: "Well, first let me say, what is most important to the American people, speaking as a physician, vaccines are safe. As has been pointed out, it's actually not disputed. It's actually quite well proven that vaccines are not associated with autism. There's a fringe out there that thinks so, but they're quite a fringe. President Trump agrees that vaccines are safe."

Cassidy tried to suggest that focusing on Kennedy's lie was "titillating" but that Americans needed to move on. Tapper answered: "This isn't about titillation. This is about the fact that you are the chairman of the health committee and you voted to confirm somebody that by all accounts from the medical and scientific community and his own family…is actually making America less healthy."

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Juan Matute
 C C C
Claremont, California


Sunday, November 23, 2025

Something to Know - 23 November

The more you dig into the abuses by the Trump administration, you are made aware that it is not just the up close in your face acts that make you sick, it is also the stuff in the background that is even worse in the long run.   The ICE raids, the defunding of just about any and all programs providing for the health and happiness of all, and the demand that any person who insults the president should be hanged....well you get the picture.   There was a recent conference in Brazil, known as COP30, where nations got together to discuss global cooperation and legislation to combat the erosion of clean air and water facing everyone.  Absent from this COP (https://unfccc.int/process-and-meetings/united-nations-framework-convention-on-climate-change) was of course the United States of America.  The Trump administration is more concerned in protecting corporations and the wealthy owners of industry from having to comply with rules that would harm their profitability.   It's the same old game; money steers the American tax dollars to those who pay big bucks to elect people to make their rules.   Sick isn't it?   Well, these are rules that do not immediately translate to the cost of groceries, but will in the long run.   Each nation creates pollution and affects the environment.   Cutting down forests and industries polluting the air affects the earth.  The ecology of Brazil or the fossil fuel burning everywhere does not stay within the borders of a nation; the effects drift in the air, affecting all.   The greed of Capitalism is the underbelly of our economic system.


Geddry's Newsletter a Publication of nGenium marygeddry@substack.com 
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The Air Is Getting Thin

From the Amazon to Washington, a week of institutional sabotage, global humiliation, and a kakistocracy determined to finish the job.

Nov 23
 
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Good morning! As we rub the sleep from our eyes and prepare ourselves for another day of watching institutions buckle under the weight of their own cowardice, let's begin in the Amazon, where negotiators at COP30 gathered under the canopy of the world's most vital life-support system and still managed to walk away without the one thing trees actually need: a binding promise not to kill them.

This was supposed to be the "Forest COP," the one where the world finally put rainforests at the center of climate policy. And on paper, it sort of did: billions in new conservation funding, Germany dropping €1 billion into Brazil's Tropical Forests Forever Facility, Europe pledging billions more for the Congo Basin, and a historic showing of 3,000 Indigenous leaders who, unlike most of the officials in attendance, actually know how to keep forests standing. Brazil even demarcated ten new Indigenous territories, nearly 1,000 square miles of land that should have been recognized decades ago.

Yet, after all that rainforest humidity, all that moral urgency, all that talk of nature and stewardship, leaders still torpedoed the one concrete measure that mattered: a roadmap requiring countries to demonstrate progress toward their 2030 zero-deforestation pledge. Instead, they issued a voluntary roadmap, which is diplomatic code for "we'll get to it right after we finish whatever we're doing for the next several years." It was as if the Amazon itself had begged for an action plan and the world replied with, "Have you tried journaling?"

But before we leave Belém, it's worth reminding readers of the thing almost no one says out loud anymore: forests don't just "store carbon" or "preserve biodiversity." They manufacture the air we breathe. Fifty percent of atmospheric oxygen comes from terrestrial plants. Calling forests the lungs of the planet isn't poetic license; it's biochemistry. A world stripped of forests is a world with thinner air. And this year's "Forest COP" ended by proving, once again, that humanity is committed to holding its breath indefinitely.

In Sudan, we find another portrait of collapse, this time not ecological but political, though the line separating the two grows blurrier every year. Sudan is a country of 50 million sitting atop vast oil reserves, abundant gold, fertile cropland, and the world's largest gum arabic forests, yet it has been shattered by a civil war now entering its third year. More than 9.5 million people have been displaced, the largest displacement crisis on Earth, while the army controls the north and the Red Sea corridor, and the Rapid Support Forces rule most of Darfur and the central gold belts.

Sudan's wealth should feed its people twice over, but instead it bankrolls warlords. Most of the oil fields sit in contested territory; gold exports overwhelmingly flow to the UAE; and the gum arabic belt, the acacia forest strip that props up global food, pharma, and cosmetics, is being divvied up like contraband. Agricultural lands that could prevent famine are caught between factions fighting over pipelines, grazing corridors, and access to the Nile. It is a perfect illustration of the resource curse: when a nation becomes more valuable as a commodity warehouse than as a functioning society, people starve in the shadow of abundance.

And then we come home to the United States, where our own institutions are unraveling at a pace that would make Sudan's warlords raise an eyebrow. The latest casualty is the CDC, which quietly rewrote its website to suggest that vaccines might cause autism, not because the science changed, but because public health leadership now answers to the conspiracy ecosystem that elevated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to HHS Secretary. The CDC kept the headline "Vaccines do not cause Autism," but slapped an asterisk under it that essentially says, "We're only saying this because someone made us."

It is effectively medical malpractice in the guise of federal gaslighting. Public-health officials across the country are now forced to walk into clinics, look frightened parents in the eye, and explain why the U.S. government is contradicting decades of research in the middle of flu, RSV, and COVID season. The autism-vaccine myth has been debunked more times than Bigfoot sightings, but Kennedy demanded a federal agency flirt with it anyway, and the CDC complied. It's one thing for anti-science demagogues to shout into microphones; it's another for a once-trusted government institution to underwrite their delusions.

And just when you thought the week's performative sabotage was over, Mitch McConnell reminded us that corporatocracy never sleeps. In the final hours before the government shutdown ended, he quietly inserted a nationwide ban on most hemp products into the must-pass spending bill, a political booby trap aimed squarely at an industry that threatens Big Pharma's sleep aids, Big Alcohol's profits, and the donor class's eternal war on cannabis. Hemp, that ancient and sustainable miracle plant capable of producing everything from biodegradable plastics to building materials, suddenly finds itself regulated more harshly than fentanyl precursors.

Under McConnell's stealth ban, any product with more than 0.4 milligrams of THC per package, a microscopic threshold, becomes illegal. Not high-THC cannabis. Not Delta-8 products. CBD. The stuff sold in grocery stores and traded by soccer moms like gluten-free communion wafers. A $28 billion industry employing 300,000 Americans is now hanging by a string because one senator from Kentucky decided his friends in the pharmaceutical and liquor industries deserved a little early Christmas present.

Hemp is a sustainability powerhouse. It restores soil, requires minimal water, replaces petroplastics, and produces everything from building materials to sustainable textiles. But it also produces cannabinoids, harmless, non-intoxicating, but competitive with products that actually do pose risks and rake in profit margins. So instead of regulating hemp sensibly, Congress is preparing to kneecap it.

Industry leaders are scrambling. Some hope states will be allowed autonomy, much like the patchwork around cannabis dispensaries. Others, more realistic, see the writing on the wall: a total ban, shredded supply chains, shuttered small businesses, and the acceleration of a war on cannabis markets that McConnell and the Heritage Foundation have been telegraphing for years.

And the kicker? The ban may not even stand. Backlash has been immediate and furious. Members of Congress who'd barely glanced at the issue before, like Rep. Maxwell Frost and Sen. Tina Smith, are suddenly sounding alarms as voters figure out that Washington just criminalized their sleepytime gummy.

But the damage is done. Once again, policy shaped by lobbyists is being dressed up as public safety. Once again, sustainability is sacrificed on the altar of profitability. Once again, the U.S. government is making sure the only industries allowed to sell psychoactive or pain-relief substances are the ones with the most expensive lobbyists.

McConnell didn't ban hemp because it's dangerous. He banned it because it's useful, and because useful things that ordinary people can grow, make, or use without corporate permission have always been the first to go.

And while the planet was busy trying to salvage coherent climate policy in Belém, the United States managed to humiliate itself on yet another global stage. Trump officially boycotted this year's G20 summit in South Africa, citing "human-rights abuses" against white Afrikaner farmers, an accusation lifted directly from Elon Musk's long-debunked conspiracy theory about a supposed genocide of white farmers. The claim has been repeatedly disproven by South African authorities, human-rights monitors, and even conservative think tanks, but it continues to serve Trump and Musk as an all-purpose bludgeon against any non-Western government they find inconvenient.

The result was predictable: the U.S. shunned the summit, allies rolled their eyes, and middle-power democracies like Canada and South Korea quietly filled the void. South African officials publicly contradicted the White House's shifting explanations; the U.S. ended up sending only a low-level chargé d'affaires to the closing session, which host officials treated about as seriously as a late RSVP to a wedding you weren't really invited to in the first place. The message from Washington was that global cooperation is optional. The message from the rest of the world was that U.S. participation is no longer essential. In the vacuum left by American abdication, other nations are moving forward, and increasingly, they're doing it without us.

And that may be the most sobering lesson of the week. Whether in the Amazon, Sudan, Washington, or the G20, the pattern is the same: institutions once depended upon to uphold global stability are now guided by grievance, conspiracy, and the profit margins of the already-powerful. In their place rises a coalition of nations, communities, and movements trying to stave off a century defined by ecological collapse, authoritarian rot, and the slow suffocation of public trust.

But for today, at least we can name it plainly. This isn't drift, it's sabotage. And it's being carried out by people who believe expertise is optional, sustainability is a threat, and truth is whatever their donors or delusions demand.



Geddry's Newsletter a Publication of nGenium marygeddry@substack.com 
Unsubscribe

6:23 AM (2 hours ago)
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Welcome. You're on the front lines with us.
You'll get access to public posts, breaking news, and essential updates, enough to stay informed and stay loud. No algorithms, no noise, just clarity, context, and community.

Geddry's Newsletter is a publication of nGenium, LLC


The Air Is Getting Thin

From the Amazon to Washington, a week of institutional sabotage, global humiliation, and a kakistocracy determined to finish the job.

Nov 23
 
READ IN APP
 

Good morning! As we rub the sleep from our eyes and prepare ourselves for another day of watching institutions buckle under the weight of their own cowardice, let's begin in the Amazon, where negotiators at COP30 gathered under the canopy of the world's most vital life-support system and still managed to walk away without the one thing trees actually need: a binding promise not to kill them.

This was supposed to be the "Forest COP," the one where the world finally put rainforests at the center of climate policy. And on paper, it sort of did: billions in new conservation funding, Germany dropping €1 billion into Brazil's Tropical Forests Forever Facility, Europe pledging billions more for the Congo Basin, and a historic showing of 3,000 Indigenous leaders who, unlike most of the officials in attendance, actually know how to keep forests standing. Brazil even demarcated ten new Indigenous territories, nearly 1,000 square miles of land that should have been recognized decades ago.

Yet, after all that rainforest humidity, all that moral urgency, all that talk of nature and stewardship, leaders still torpedoed the one concrete measure that mattered: a roadmap requiring countries to demonstrate progress toward their 2030 zero-deforestation pledge. Instead, they issued a voluntary roadmap, which is diplomatic code for "we'll get to it right after we finish whatever we're doing for the next several years." It was as if the Amazon itself had begged for an action plan and the world replied with, "Have you tried journaling?"

But before we leave Belém, it's worth reminding readers of the thing almost no one says out loud anymore: forests don't just "store carbon" or "preserve biodiversity." They manufacture the air we breathe. Fifty percent of atmospheric oxygen comes from terrestrial plants. Calling forests the lungs of the planet isn't poetic license; it's biochemistry. A world stripped of forests is a world with thinner air. And this year's "Forest COP" ended by proving, once again, that humanity is committed to holding its breath indefinitely.

In Sudan, we find another portrait of collapse, this time not ecological but political, though the line separating the two grows blurrier every year. Sudan is a country of 50 million sitting atop vast oil reserves, abundant gold, fertile cropland, and the world's largest gum arabic forests, yet it has been shattered by a civil war now entering its third year. More than 9.5 million people have been displaced, the largest displacement crisis on Earth, while the army controls the north and the Red Sea corridor, and the Rapid Support Forces rule most of Darfur and the central gold belts.

Sudan's wealth should feed its people twice over, but instead it bankrolls warlords. Most of the oil fields sit in contested territory; gold exports overwhelmingly flow to the UAE; and the gum arabic belt, the acacia forest strip that props up global food, pharma, and cosmetics, is being divvied up like contraband. Agricultural lands that could prevent famine are caught between factions fighting over pipelines, grazing corridors, and access to the Nile. It is a perfect illustration of the resource curse: when a nation becomes more valuable as a commodity warehouse than as a functioning society, people starve in the shadow of abundance.

And then we come home to the United States, where our own institutions are unraveling at a pace that would make Sudan's warlords raise an eyebrow. The latest casualty is the CDC, which quietly rewrote its website to suggest that vaccines might cause autism, not because the science changed, but because public health leadership now answers to the conspiracy ecosystem that elevated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to HHS Secretary. The CDC kept the headline "Vaccines do not cause Autism," but slapped an asterisk under it that essentially says, "We're only saying this because someone made us."

It is effectively medical malpractice in the guise of federal gaslighting. Public-health officials across the country are now forced to walk into clinics, look frightened parents in the eye, and explain why the U.S. government is contradicting decades of research in the middle of flu, RSV, and COVID season. The autism-vaccine myth has been debunked more times than Bigfoot sightings, but Kennedy demanded a federal agency flirt with it anyway, and the CDC complied. It's one thing for anti-science demagogues to shout into microphones; it's another for a once-trusted government institution to underwrite their delusions.

And just when you thought the week's performative sabotage was over, Mitch McConnell reminded us that corporatocracy never sleeps. In the final hours before the government shutdown ended, he quietly inserted a nationwide ban on most hemp products into the must-pass spending bill, a political booby trap aimed squarely at an industry that threatens Big Pharma's sleep aids, Big Alcohol's profits, and the donor class's eternal war on cannabis. Hemp, that ancient and sustainable miracle plant capable of producing everything from biodegradable plastics to building materials, suddenly finds itself regulated more harshly than fentanyl precursors.

Under McConnell's stealth ban, any product with more than 0.4 milligrams of THC per package, a microscopic threshold, becomes illegal. Not high-THC cannabis. Not Delta-8 products. CBD. The stuff sold in grocery stores and traded by soccer moms like gluten-free communion wafers. A $28 billion industry employing 300,000 Americans is now hanging by a string because one senator from Kentucky decided his friends in the pharmaceutical and liquor industries deserved a little early Christmas present.

Hemp is a sustainability powerhouse. It restores soil, requires minimal water, replaces petroplastics, and produces everything from building materials to sustainable textiles. But it also produces cannabinoids, harmless, non-intoxicating, but competitive with products that actually do pose risks and rake in profit margins. So instead of regulating hemp sensibly, Congress is preparing to kneecap it.

Industry leaders are scrambling. Some hope states will be allowed autonomy, much like the patchwork around cannabis dispensaries. Others, more realistic, see the writing on the wall: a total ban, shredded supply chains, shuttered small businesses, and the acceleration of a war on cannabis markets that McConnell and the Heritage Foundation have been telegraphing for years.

And the kicker? The ban may not even stand. Backlash has been immediate and furious. Members of Congress who'd barely glanced at the issue before, like Rep. Maxwell Frost and Sen. Tina Smith, are suddenly sounding alarms as voters figure out that Washington just criminalized their sleepytime gummy.

But the damage is done. Once again, policy shaped by lobbyists is being dressed up as public safety. Once again, sustainability is sacrificed on the altar of profitability. Once again, the U.S. government is making sure the only industries allowed to sell psychoactive or pain-relief substances are the ones with the most expensive lobbyists.

McConnell didn't ban hemp because it's dangerous. He banned it because it's useful, and because useful things that ordinary people can grow, make, or use without corporate permission have always been the first to go.

And while the planet was busy trying to salvage coherent climate policy in Belém, the United States managed to humiliate itself on yet another global stage. Trump officially boycotted this year's G20 summit in South Africa, citing "human-rights abuses" against white Afrikaner farmers, an accusation lifted directly from Elon Musk's long-debunked conspiracy theory about a supposed genocide of white farmers. The claim has been repeatedly disproven by South African authorities, human-rights monitors, and even conservative think tanks, but it continues to serve Trump and Musk as an all-purpose bludgeon against any non-Western government they find inconvenient.

The result was predictable: the U.S. shunned the summit, allies rolled their eyes, and middle-power democracies like Canada and South Korea quietly filled the void. South African officials publicly contradicted the White House's shifting explanations; the U.S. ended up sending only a low-level chargé d'affaires to the closing session, which host officials treated about as seriously as a late RSVP to a wedding you weren't really invited to in the first place. The message from Washington was that global cooperation is optional. The message from the rest of the world was that U.S. participation is no longer essential. In the vacuum left by American abdication, other nations are moving forward, and increasingly, they're doing it without us.

And that may be the most sobering lesson of the week. Whether in the Amazon, Sudan, Washington, or the G20, the pattern is the same: institutions once depended upon to uphold global stability are now guided by grievance, conspiracy, and the profit margins of the already-powerful. In their place rises a coalition of nations, communities, and movements trying to stave off a century defined by ecological collapse, authoritarian rot, and the slow suffocation of public trust.

But for today, at least we can name it plainly. This isn't drift, it's sabotage. And it's being carried out by people who believe expertise is optional, sustainability is a threat, and truth is whatever their donors or delusions demand.



Geddry's Newsletter a Publication of nGenium marygeddry@substack.com 
Unsubscribe

6:23 AM (2 hours ago)
to me
Forwarded this email? Subscribe here for more

Welcome. You're on the front lines with us.
You'll get access to public posts, breaking news, and essential updates, enough to stay informed and stay loud. No algorithms, no noise, just clarity, context, and community.

Geddry's Newsletter is a publication of nGenium, LLC


The Air Is Getting Thin

From the Amazon to Washington, a week of institutional sabotage, global humiliation, and a kakistocracy determined to finish the job.

Nov 23
 
READ IN APP
 

Good morning! As we rub the sleep from our eyes and prepare ourselves for another day of watching institutions buckle under the weight of their own cowardice, let's begin in the Amazon, where negotiators at COP30 gathered under the canopy of the world's most vital life-support system and still managed to walk away without the one thing trees actually need: a binding promise not to kill them.

This was supposed to be the "Forest COP," the one where the world finally put rainforests at the center of climate policy. And on paper, it sort of did: billions in new conservation funding, Germany dropping €1 billion into Brazil's Tropical Forests Forever Facility, Europe pledging billions more for the Congo Basin, and a historic showing of 3,000 Indigenous leaders who, unlike most of the officials in attendance, actually know how to keep forests standing. Brazil even demarcated ten new Indigenous territories, nearly 1,000 square miles of land that should have been recognized decades ago.

Yet, after all that rainforest humidity, all that moral urgency, all that talk of nature and stewardship, leaders still torpedoed the one concrete measure that mattered: a roadmap requiring countries to demonstrate progress toward their 2030 zero-deforestation pledge. Instead, they issued a voluntary roadmap, which is diplomatic code for "we'll get to it right after we finish whatever we're doing for the next several years." It was as if the Amazon itself had begged for an action plan and the world replied with, "Have you tried journaling?"

But before we leave Belém, it's worth reminding readers of the thing almost no one says out loud anymore: forests don't just "store carbon" or "preserve biodiversity." They manufacture the air we breathe. Fifty percent of atmospheric oxygen comes from terrestrial plants. Calling forests the lungs of the planet isn't poetic license; it's biochemistry. A world stripped of forests is a world with thinner air. And this year's "Forest COP" ended by proving, once again, that humanity is committed to holding its breath indefinitely.

In Sudan, we find another portrait of collapse, this time not ecological but political, though the line separating the two grows blurrier every year. Sudan is a country of 50 million sitting atop vast oil reserves, abundant gold, fertile cropland, and the world's largest gum arabic forests, yet it has been shattered by a civil war now entering its third year. More than 9.5 million people have been displaced, the largest displacement crisis on Earth, while the army controls the north and the Red Sea corridor, and the Rapid Support Forces rule most of Darfur and the central gold belts.

Sudan's wealth should feed its people twice over, but instead it bankrolls warlords. Most of the oil fields sit in contested territory; gold exports overwhelmingly flow to the UAE; and the gum arabic belt, the acacia forest strip that props up global food, pharma, and cosmetics, is being divvied up like contraband. Agricultural lands that could prevent famine are caught between factions fighting over pipelines, grazing corridors, and access to the Nile. It is a perfect illustration of the resource curse: when a nation becomes more valuable as a commodity warehouse than as a functioning society, people starve in the shadow of abundance.

And then we come home to the United States, where our own institutions are unraveling at a pace that would make Sudan's warlords raise an eyebrow. The latest casualty is the CDC, which quietly rewrote its website to suggest that vaccines might cause autism, not because the science changed, but because public health leadership now answers to the conspiracy ecosystem that elevated Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to HHS Secretary. The CDC kept the headline "Vaccines do not cause Autism," but slapped an asterisk under it that essentially says, "We're only saying this because someone made us."

It is effectively medical malpractice in the guise of federal gaslighting. Public-health officials across the country are now forced to walk into clinics, look frightened parents in the eye, and explain why the U.S. government is contradicting decades of research in the middle of flu, RSV, and COVID season. The autism-vaccine myth has been debunked more times than Bigfoot sightings, but Kennedy demanded a federal agency flirt with it anyway, and the CDC complied. It's one thing for anti-science demagogues to shout into microphones; it's another for a once-trusted government institution to underwrite their delusions.

And just when you thought the week's performative sabotage was over, Mitch McConnell reminded us that corporatocracy never sleeps. In the final hours before the government shutdown ended, he quietly inserted a nationwide ban on most hemp products into the must-pass spending bill, a political booby trap aimed squarely at an industry that threatens Big Pharma's sleep aids, Big Alcohol's profits, and the donor class's eternal war on cannabis. Hemp, that ancient and sustainable miracle plant capable of producing everything from biodegradable plastics to building materials, suddenly finds itself regulated more harshly than fentanyl precursors.

Under McConnell's stealth ban, any product with more than 0.4 milligrams of THC per package, a microscopic threshold, becomes illegal. Not high-THC cannabis. Not Delta-8 products. CBD. The stuff sold in grocery stores and traded by soccer moms like gluten-free communion wafers. A $28 billion industry employing 300,000 Americans is now hanging by a string because one senator from Kentucky decided his friends in the pharmaceutical and liquor industries deserved a little early Christmas present.

Hemp is a sustainability powerhouse. It restores soil, requires minimal water, replaces petroplastics, and produces everything from building materials to sustainable textiles. But it also produces cannabinoids, harmless, non-intoxicating, but competitive with products that actually do pose risks and rake in profit margins. So instead of regulating hemp sensibly, Congress is preparing to kneecap it.

Industry leaders are scrambling. Some hope states will be allowed autonomy, much like the patchwork around cannabis dispensaries. Others, more realistic, see the writing on the wall: a total ban, shredded supply chains, shuttered small businesses, and the acceleration of a war on cannabis markets that McConnell and the Heritage Foundation have been telegraphing for years.

And the kicker? The ban may not even stand. Backlash has been immediate and furious. Members of Congress who'd barely glanced at the issue before, like Rep. Maxwell Frost and Sen. Tina Smith, are suddenly sounding alarms as voters figure out that Washington just criminalized their sleepytime gummy.

But the damage is done. Once again, policy shaped by lobbyists is being dressed up as public safety. Once again, sustainability is sacrificed on the altar of profitability. Once again, the U.S. government is making sure the only industries allowed to sell psychoactive or pain-relief substances are the ones with the most expensive lobbyists.

McConnell didn't ban hemp because it's dangerous. He banned it because it's useful, and because useful things that ordinary people can grow, make, or use without corporate permission have always been the first to go.

And while the planet was busy trying to salvage coherent climate policy in Belém, the United States managed to humiliate itself on yet another global stage. Trump officially boycotted this year's G20 summit in South Africa, citing "human-rights abuses" against white Afrikaner farmers, an accusation lifted directly from Elon Musk's long-debunked conspiracy theory about a supposed genocide of white farmers. The claim has been repeatedly disproven by South African authorities, human-rights monitors, and even conservative think tanks, but it continues to serve Trump and Musk as an all-purpose bludgeon against any non-Western government they find inconvenient.

The result was predictable: the U.S. shunned the summit, allies rolled their eyes, and middle-power democracies like Canada and South Korea quietly filled the void. South African officials publicly contradicted the White House's shifting explanations; the U.S. ended up sending only a low-level chargé d'affaires to the closing session, which host officials treated about as seriously as a late RSVP to a wedding you weren't really invited to in the first place. The message from Washington was that global cooperation is optional. The message from the rest of the world was that U.S. participation is no longer essential. In the vacuum left by American abdication, other nations are moving forward, and increasingly, they're doing it without us.

And that may be the most sobering lesson of the week. Whether in the Amazon, Sudan, Washington, or the G20, the pattern is the same: institutions once depended upon to uphold global stability are now guided by grievance, conspiracy, and the profit margins of the already-powerful. In their place rises a coalition of nations, communities, and movements trying to stave off a century defined by ecological collapse, authoritarian rot, and the slow suffocation of public trust.

But for today, at least we can name it plainly. This isn't drift, it's sabotage. And it's being carried out by people who believe expertise is optional, sustainability is a threat, and truth is whatever their donors or delusions demand.




--
****
Juan Matute
 C C C
Claremont, California