Monday, December 29, 2025

Something to Know - 29 December

As the year 2025 comes to an end, newsletters try to assimilate all the past news into one column for your reading pleasure.   Well, there is nothing pleasurable this past year.  The slime has gone from 2 feet to 4 feet in elevation.   Mary Geddry does about as well as you can in describing the closing of Trump's first year.    Odds are he won't be closing out the end of 2026.   Maybe I am too optimistic, but we should concentrate on his replacement, or better yet, the end of authoritarian governance.   Splashing his name over all kinds of buildings, and co-opting the icons and symbols our American democracy Trump has proven that corruption, moral indecency, and lack of compassion for anything that breathes is an insult to all that we believe,

Geddry's Newsletter a Publication of nGenium marygeddry@substack.com 
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Very Close to Something, Very Far From the Truth

Trump negotiates wars by vibe, DHS steals Norman Rockwell, electricity gets more expensive, and the Epstein files somehow get "lost" again.

Dec 29
 
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Good morning! We limped into the last weekend of the year thinking we might get a few quiet days to metabolize 2025, and then Donald Trump popped up at Mar-a-Lago like a jump-scare in a haunted house, announcing, between compliments about the catering and a nostalgic detour through his personal mythology, that he's "very close" to ending the deadliest war since World War II. Very close, ninety-five percent close, or maybe 90. Or maybe "somebody would say 95." The important thing is that it's close enough for him to take a victory lap before anybody has actually won anything except the right to keep negotiating.

Trump hosted Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy at Mar-a-Lago and performed the familiar routine: the indispensable dealmaker, the lone savior, the only adult in the room, the man who could end wars in a day if everyone would simply stop being so rude and start appreciating his genius. Zelenskyy, meanwhile, did what he has had to all year: show up, be grateful, keep Ukraine's spine intact, and try not to get publicly shoved into a corner while the cameras roll. The public messaging was "progress." The subtext was "land." Trump said it plainly: some territory has been taken, and if you wait, more might be taken, so you're better off making a deal now. That isn't a negotiating stance so much as a shrug in a suit: the battlefield decides, and Ukraine should hurry up and accept the new reality before reality gets worse.

Zelenskyy did not endorse that framing. He repeated the basics any sovereign leader must repeat when an ally starts talking like the map is a casual suggestion: Ukraine's position on territory is anchored in law and in the will of its people. The plan under discussion is reportedly about 90% agreed in broad strokes, with security guarantees described as the keystone, and those guarantees are the whole story, even when Trump tries to bury it under percentages and self-congratulations.

Here's the Kyiv version, which is less of a press conference and more of a reality check delivered in measured tones: Zelenskyy is asking for U.S. security guarantees not for a cute election cycle, not for a "we'll see how it goes," but for decades. Thirty, forty, fifty years. He's telling Trump, in essence, that Russia's aggression has already lasted long enough to outlive the promises politicians like to make, and Ukraine isn't signing anything that simply resets the clock for the next invasion. The White House, according to Kyiv's view, is offering something like fifteen years with a "maybe" attached, plus a warning that if Ukraine doesn't take the deal now, the guarantees might vanish. It's the diplomatic equivalent of a used-car salesman tapping the hood and saying, "I've got three other buyers, so you'd better decide today."

And then there's the sequencing that should make everyone's stomach flip a little: Trump spoke with Putin first. Zelenskyy confirmed Trump went point-by-point through the "20-point plan" with the Kremlin before meeting Ukraine's president. That's the power dynamic in one sentence. Trump treats Putin's input as foundational, Zelenskyy's as negotiable. The whole weekend had that vibe: the press gets a quick peek, then the door closes, and we're told to trust the process, by the same man who thinks "process" is something you do to the truth.

Steven Beschloss summed up the weekend better than any official statement could: "Zelenskyy really loves his country. How else could he endure dealing with Trump, his lies, subservience to Putin and profound ignorance?"

While all this was happening, Beijing provided a different year-end message: not words, but live-fire zones. China launched its largest-ever war drills around Taiwan by area, explicitly designed to demonstrate its ability to encircle the island, blockade ports, and cut Taiwan off from outside support. Seven zones, closer than before. One zone activated without warning near the island's eastern waters, because what's international stability without a little surprise drill to spice it up?

The obvious point was psychological pressure, logistical disruption, and alliance-testing. Over 100,000 international air passengers are expected to be affected, domestic flights canceled, shipping routes strained, and everyone in the region forced to practice the grim arithmetic of "how quickly can this turn into something real." Taiwan mobilized. It showcased its U.S.-made HIMARS, basically reminding Beijing that the island isn't a prop and Fujian is within range. Markets shrugged, because markets always shrug until they don't. And analysts warned again that these drills blur the line between routine and rehearsal, turning constant provocation into normal weather.

It's a hell of a tableau: Trump narrating peace in Florida while autocrats elsewhere demonstrate, in real time, what peace looks like when you don't have it.

Back home, the economy continues its tradition of being the plotline nobody can skip. Electricity bills are rising, and the experts are telling Americans to prepare for more pain ahead. Data centers get blamed because it's comforting to have a single villain, but the truth is uglier and more structural: hurricanes, wildfires, grid replacement, fuel-price swings, and the cost of rebuilding infrastructure in an era where infrastructure keeps getting chewed up by climate and time. Rates are projected to rise again next year, and the politics of electricity is getting loud. People are skipping Christmas lights because power has become a luxury purchase. And utilities are planning trillions in investments that, one way or another, will land on someone's bill.

At the same time, there is a sliver of wage news that feels like someone opened a window in a stuffy room: minimum wage increases kick in January 1 in 19 states, with more than 8 million workers getting a raise directly or indirectly as wage ladders adjust. We've reached the moment labor advocates once demanded like it was radical, where $15 is common enough that more workers live under state floors at or above $15 than under the federal $7.25, which has been collecting dust since 2009. That's real progress. It's also an indictment of how long it took to get here.

Here comes the part where we do the math and everyone gets mad at math for being accurate. A family of four trying to live "just above poverty" in the official federal sense could scrape by on paper with one $15/hour job working a punishing number of hours. But you didn't ask for paper. You asked for reality, housing, food, transportation, and the small matter of not dying if someone gets sick. When you price in basic needs, $15/hour does not equal "stability." It equals "two adults working full-time and still budgeting like a disaster is imminent," because it usually is.

Which brings us to Max from UNFTR, who showed up with a brutally coherent overview of the economy heading into the new year and asked the obvious question: what exactly is the Trump team's plan, besides lying louder? Trump keeps promising "tariff dividends" as if tariffs are a magical money tree that pays Americans to suffer. The numbers, inconveniently, refuse to cooperate.

So Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent has pivoted to hyping tax refunds as economic rocket fuel, $100 to $150 billion, he claims, delivering maybe $1,000 to $2,000 per household. The catch, as Max points out, is that this isn't new money at all, and it's not even generous by recent standards. Under Biden's final two years, Americans received roughly $290 billion a year in refunds, averaging about $3,100 per filer. In other words, Trump's big "boost" is smaller than what people were already getting, now rebranded as a breakthrough. It's like declaring you've invented fire and then triumphantly handing everyone a damp match.

Max's broader point is that the messaging is unraveling because the policy is unraveling. A Fed governor aligned with Trump's worldview got boxed into admitting the quiet part out loud: under Biden, the economy was recovering, jobs were strong, demand was growing. That doesn't mean everything was great, Max is the first to note that Democrats failed to deliver the kind of immediate, tangible relief that would have changed daily life, but it does mean the current narrative that everything is Biden's fault is getting harder to perform with a straight face. What we're living with now looks less like an inherited curse and more like the predictable result of tariff-driven inflation expectations, a weakened dollar, and a political class that treats working people as props in a marketing exercise rather than participants in an economy.

And then, because 2025 refuses to end without one last grotesque flourish, we arrive at the Epstein files, now starring Todd Blanche, Pam Bondi, and the Department of Justice's increasingly surreal relationship with the public record.

Allison Gill's latest reporting frames Blanche's "we found a million never-before-seen Epstein documents" claim as a story that collapses the moment you look at the timeline. The core allegation, presented through letters, internal communications, and sources familiar with earlier redaction work, is that the government already knew about major volumes of Epstein materials, already demanded them, already moved them, and already ran intensive review and redaction operations earlier in 2025. Either these documents aren't "new," or they were "lost" in a way that would require superhuman incompetence or deliberate concealment, pick your poison, neither makes the DOJ look like an institution you'd trust with your library card.

And the redaction angle is where the whole thing turns from suspicious to openly cynical. Gill warns that "national security" is becoming the universal solvent for transparency: if the administration doesn't want to disclose something, it waves the magic words and expects everyone to sit down and shut up. Meanwhile, the release becomes a slow-rolling production, dragging the scandal forward month after month, into election season, keeping survivors stuck in limbo and keeping the administration's narrative machine fed. It's less "justice" and more "content strategy," except the content is other people's trauma.

So that's the Monday tableau: a Florida peace theater where the land question hangs like a guillotine over Ukraine's sovereignty, a Taiwan blockade rehearsal with live-fire zones and disrupted skies, an American grid buckling under climate and infrastructure reality, minimum wage gains that are real but still far too small, and a federal government that wants you to believe it accidentally misplaced a mountain of Epstein evidence while insisting you shouldn't care that much anyway.

And just in case anyone still wondered how deep the rot goes, the Department of Homeland Security spent the holidays stealing Norman Rockwell paintings to sell authoritarian nostalgia.

In a quietly devastating interview on Bulwark Takes, writer and artist Daisy Rockwell, Norman Rockwell's granddaughter, explained how DHS has been using her grandfather's copyrighted work without permission to promote its anti-immigrant messaging. Think wholesome white families, Boy Scouts, Santa Claus, and flags, paired with slogans about "protecting our American way of life." It's propaganda, and it fundamentally misunderstands both the art and the man.

Rockwell, she reminded, was not the cartoon patriot DHS wants him to be. Yes, his early work captured an idealized, overwhelmingly white vision of small-town America, often more fantasy than autobiography, given that he was a city kid. But in the 1960s, Rockwell did something far more radical than coasting on fame: he turned his art toward civil rights, painting some of the most enduring images of desegregation and moral courage in American history. The Problem We All Live With didn't flatter the country. It confronted it.

That legacy is exactly what DHS is trying to erase. The Rockwell family wrote an op-ed condemning the misuse of his work, explaining that Norman Rockwell believed compassion, inclusiveness, and justice were the real American values. DHS ignored them, and then posted another image anyway. According to Daisy, that told her everything she needed to know.

There was no legal ambiguity here, she said, just contempt. Fair use allows parody and critique. What DHS is doing is appropriation, laundering white nationalist aesthetics through a familiar American brand, hoping nostalgia will do the work that arguments can't.

Asked what she would say if she could speak to Donald Trump, Daisy Rockwell didn't hesitate. She wouldn't bother. "I don't think anything would stick." The line landed not as flippancy, but as weary realism, a recognition that some people aren't persuadable because they aren't listening, they're marketing.

Her deeper point was more unsettling, and more hopeful at the same time. Norman Rockwell made his strongest, most morally explicit work late in life, when he could have played it safe.

Which is why watching his art conscripted by a federal agency engaged in family separation, mass detention, and immigrant demonization feels less like irony and more like theft. Not just of images, but of memory.

In an era when the government lies about wars, about prices, about documents, and about who belongs, even the past isn't safe from being rewritten. And sometimes the clearest resistance comes not from a policy paper or a court filing, but from a granddaughter saying, calmly and publicly: no, this is not what America was, and it's not what it's for.

If you're feeling whiplash, that's because you're conscious. The people running this circus are counting on numbness. Don't give it to them.




--
****
Juan Matute
CCRC


Sunday, December 28, 2025

Something Else to Remember - 28 December


This news letter crossed my inbox, and it is worth reading.   It does not make much reference to our current state of government and our Democracy.   However, it speaks to the ideals of our Constitution, its longevity, and why we need to think about changes to meet the challenges of change in our world:

Christopher Armitage from The Existentialist Republic cmarmitage@substack.com 

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The conventional wisdom holds that America is a young nation. People repeat it. Textbooks assert it. And it's wrong.

The United States operates the oldest government on the planet. Not one of the oldest. The oldest. No other country on Earth is still running on an 18th-century system.

Germany's government dates to 1949. France established its Fifth Republic in 1958. Japan's constitution came in 1946. Italy's in 1948. South Korea's current system began in 1987. Spain's in 1978. Portugal's in 1976. Greece's in 1975. Every country you can name rebuilt its governing architecture within living memory. We're still running the original code.

The Comparative Constitutions Project at the University of Chicago found that the average national constitution lasts just 17 years. Half of all constitutions die before their 18th birthday. By age 50, only 19 percent remain in force. The American system has been running for 236 years.

Thomas Jefferson anticipated this would be a problem. In 1789, he wrote to Madison that no society can make a perpetual constitution, that the earth belongs to the living and not the dead. He calculated, based on mortality tables of the time, that constitutions should expire every nineteen years. The global average proved him almost exactly right.

He wasn't alone. George Washington, at the close of the Constitutional Convention, said he did not expect the Constitution to last more than twenty years. The Father of the Country signed a document he fully expected his grandchildren to replace.

Even Madison, who pushed back on Jefferson's automatic sunset idea, did so only because he thought frequent wholesale rewrites would be destabilizing. He championed the amendment process precisely because he expected future generations to use it. Not occasionally. Continuously.

The three men most responsible for the American system all expected it to be revised or replaced within a generation. The American reverence for constitutional permanence isn't fidelity to the Founders' vision. It's a betrayal of it.

We have now lived through twelve generations since ratification. Twelve generations governed by the compromises of men who owned human beings, who believed women should not vote, who could not have imagined electricity, automobiles, nuclear weapons, the internet, or a nation of 330 million people stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific. We are asking their document to solve problems they could not have conceived.

We stopped using the tools they gave us. The last meaningful structural amendment was in 1971, which lowered the voting age to 18. Nothing substantive has changed in over half a century.

Other countries do not treat their constitutions as sacred relics. France has rewritten its system five times and nobody there thinks the Fifth Republic is a betrayal of the First. Germany's Basic Law was designed from the start as a provisional document, and when reunification came, they kept it because it worked, not because it was holy. These nations understand that constitutions are tools. We put ours under glass in a marble temple.

The conventional narrative frames American constitutional longevity as a virtue. Stability. Continuity. A system that endures. But longevity and quality are not the same thing. Our constitution has survived not because it functions well but because we made it nearly impossible to change.

The honest assessment is this: we are not the young nation still finding our way. We are the ancient regime clinging to parchment while the rest of the world iterates and improves. France is not old because French people have existed for millennia. France's current government is 67 years old. We're 236.

By the metric that actually matters, how long ago we last updated our governing system, America is the oldest nation on Earth. Maybe, it's time for us to grow up.


--
****
Juan Matute
CCRC


Something to Know - 28 December

We have two articles today.   In speaking to power, the Washington Post has a terse presentation to most of the falsehoods and bad governance with the current president.   In a totally unrelated piece, membership in churches presented in a changing society seems to reflect how younger generations think and act.

From the Washington Post:

       Corporate bankruptcies surged in 2025, rivaling levels
       not seen since the immediate aftermath of the Great
       Recession, as import-dependent businesses absorbed
       the highest tariffs in decades.

       At least 717 companies filed for bankruptcy through
       November, according to data from S&P Global Market
       Intelligence. That's roughly 14 percent more than the same
       11 months of 2024, and the highest tally since 2010.

       Companies cited inflation and interest rates among the
       factors contributing to their financial challenges, as well
       as Trump administration trade policies that have disrupted
       supply chains and pushed up costs.But in a shift from
       previous years, the rise in filings is most apparent among
       industrials — companies tied to manufacturing, construction
       and transportation. The sector has been hit hard by President
       Donald Trump's ever-fluid tariff policies — which he's long
       insisted would revive American manufacturing. The
       manufacturing sector lost more than 70,000 jobs in the one-
       year period ending in November, federal data shows.
--

Dec 26, 2025 -Politics & Policy

The great unchurching of America

Illustration of a series of empty church pews in red, set against a white and blue carpet, making up a flag.

Illustration: Aïda Amer/Axios

The U.S. is undergoing its fastest religious shift in modern history, marked by a rapid increase in the religiously unaffiliated and numerous church closures nationwide.

Why it matters: The great unchurching of America comes as identity and reality are increasingly shaped by non-institutional spiritual sources — YouTube mystics, TikTok tarotdigital skeptics, folk saints and AI-generated prayer bots.

  • It's a tectonic transformation that has profound implications for race, civic identity, political persuasion and the ability to govern a fracturing moral landscape.

By the numbers: Nearly three in 10 American adults today identify as religiously unaffiliated — a 33% jump since 2013, according to the nonpartisan Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI).

  • That's quicker than almost any major religious shift in modern U.S. history, and it's happening across racial groups, an Axios analysis found.
  • About four in ten Americans ages 18 to 29 identify as religiously unaffiliated (38%), an increase from 32% in 2013, PRRI said.

Driving the news: The religious shift has made it harder for political parties and candidates to reach voters, Sisto Abeyta, a Democratic political consultant based in New Mexico with the Nevada-based firm TriStrategies, tells Axios.

  • "We have to find (religiously unaffiliated voters), engage them and answer their skeptical questions, rather than just go to a church and pass out campaign literature," Abeyta said. "And they're growing in numbers."
  • It costs campaigns about $1.40 to reach out to a single religiously unaffiliated voter, compared to $ 0.45 per faith-based voter, he said.

Zoom in: Around 57% of Americans today seldom or never attend religious services, a jump from 40% in 2000, per a recent Gallup survey.

  • An unprecedented 15,000 churches are expected to shut their doors this year, far more than the few thousand expected to open, according to denominational reports and church consultants.
  • Leading experts say that — before the pandemic — a church should expect to lose about 15% of its members year over year — a rate of 1.2 million leaving churches annually nationally. That number has likely accelerated since then.

Between the lines: The racial makeup of Christians within each party is vastly different, and that is shaping the influence of faith voters on Democrats' and Republicans' platforms.

  • Within the Republican party, the largest group is white Christians (68%) and only 12% identify as religiously unaffiliated, per PRRI.
  • Among Democrats, Christians of color (35%) and religiously unaffiliated (34%) make up the bulk of the party.

Zoom out: The shift in religious activity also is leaving behind a trail of "church graveyards," or empty buildings that are now difficult to sell or have been abandoned.

  • These churches once served as community gathering places for Alcoholics Anonymous meetings, voting precincts, or town halls, leaving a void.
  • Megachurches show signs of stability but not enough to reverse overall declines.

The intrigue: As Americans unchurch, YouTube channels like Spiritual Manifestation attract hundreds of thousands of subscribers who share mysticism, spiritual insight, and "inner wisdom" content online.

  • YouTube videos of speeches by the late agnostic and astronomer Carl Sagan and atheist and biologist Richard Dawkins attacking religion have drawn millions of views.
  • Devotees to unofficial Catholic Latino folk saints such as Santa Muerte and Jesús Malverde have also become increasingly prominent outside official religion, with tens of millions of devotees across the Americas.
  • AI and chatbot technology are being used by millions for spiritual guidance, confession and prayer, with apps like Bible Chat reaching more than 30 million downloads.

Yes, but: Some Christian conservatives have framed the Sept. 10 assassination of right-wing activist Charlie Kirk as a potential inflection point for a religious "awakening" and for Gen Z to revitalize churches.

  • At a candlelight vigil in Cambridge, Mass., for example, attendees prayed and shared stories of renewed church attendance, including a TikTok user saying Kirk's death motivated him to go to church after years away.

Reality check: There is no widespread academic or mainstream evidence of a large-scale national religious awakening, PRRI CEO Melissa Deckman tells Axios.

  • Despite anecdotal and media reports about Gen Z men returning to church, there's little evidence it's happening beyond scattered examples to reverse the overall decline, she said.

The bottom line: The old religious map is disappearing.

  • The new one — digital, more secular, decentralized and deeply fragmented — is only beginning to take shape.
****
Juan Matute
CCRC