Tuesday, April 28, 2026

Something to Know - 28 April

So, where are we today?   It's the same old stuff, rehashed with new nuances, but still the same old stuff.    Clear evidence shows Trump did not know what he was getting into when he decided to play war with Iran.  He apparently figured out that he and Hegseth could bomb and blow up things, and the other side would capitulate and give in.   That did not happen, what he did do was commit war crimes, act without consulting allies, and proceed without Congressional approval. Now he is in a truly unpopular position; his poll numbers are sick and Republicans seem to be losing special elections right and left.    Trump wants out.   He wants to act as the general contractor for his ballroom project, supervise the mall's reflecting pond, and get his name plastered on any federal building.   He wants to check in on a war, but he can never leave.  He's stuck in the Hotel California curse.  What he has really done is upset the global economy and he and his inept cronies do not know the first thing about negotiations or the the strength of holding firm with allies.   He blasts away, and now he is running low on all resources a president needs to survive.

Geddry’s Newsletter a Publication of nGenium marygeddry@substack.com 

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Special Relationship, Terms and Conditions Apply

King Charles comes to Washington as Epstein shadows, Iran blowback, and billionaire politics expose who really gets protected.

Apr 28
 
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Good morning! Let’s start with the pageantry. Britain sent in the soft power cavalry, with King Charles and Queen Camilla arriving at the White House to soothe what remains of the “special relationship,” currently held together with diplomatic duct tape and polite denial. Trump and Melania rolled out the red carpet, and in a moment that perfectly captured the state of things, Trump was seen personally pointing out the floor marks so the King would know where to stand for the cameras. Staff usually handle that sort of choreography invisibly, but Trump, being Trump, couldn’t resist directing the scene himself. Two and a half centuries after the American Revolution, the President of the United States was staging-managing a British monarch for a photo op.

The visit, of course, is less about tradition than damage control. Trump has spent the past few weeks berating allies over Iran, threatening tariffs over Britain’s digital services tax, and dismissing British military contributions as “toys.” So naturally, the fix is tea with the royals, a beehive tour, a 21-gun salute, and a Congressional address from Charles, because nothing says “healthy alliance” like asking the King to mop up after elected officials.

There is an awkward shadow hanging over all the pageantry, and it is not subtle. The Epstein scandal has followed the royal visit across the Atlantic, dragging with it the monarchy’s own unresolved questions about elite accountability. Charles is pointedly not meeting with Epstein’s victims during the trip, citing ongoing investigations at home, a decision that has landed poorly with people still waiting for answers. Andrew’s entanglement with Epstein is no longer just a family embarrassment. It is a live legal and political problem, one that makes the pomp feel less dignified and a lot more performative.

Then, in a moment of exquisitely bad timing for Buckingham Palace, Britain’s own ambassador to Washington managed to blow a hole through the premise of the visit. In leaked remarks, Sir Christian Turner dismissed the phrase “special relationship” as “quite nostalgic,” “backwards-looking,” and burdened with “a lot of baggage,” before adding the line that surely made every royal aide reach for the emergency teapot: “I think there is probably one country that has a special relationship with the United States, and that is probably Israel.”

Which is awkward, given that King Charles is in Washington right now trying to perform the old relationship back into existence with a garden party and a cannon salute.

Turner did try to cushion the blow, noting that U.S.–UK ties remain “so strong” and “intertwined” on defense and security. But the message was clear enough: whatever the “special relationship” used to mean, it is not what it used to be, and everyone in the room knows it.

Just to make sure the leak had something for every crisis desk, Turner also called it “extraordinary” that the Epstein scandal has “brought down” senior figures in Britain while in the United States “it really hasn’t touched anybody,” pointing to what he politely described as “different levels of accountability in our systems.”

So while Trump is out on the lawn pointing the King toward his carpet marks, the British ambassador is quietly reminding anyone listening that the real hierarchy of influence in Washington may lie somewhere else entirely.

Which brings us to the allies. German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, not exactly a bomb-throwing radical, has now openly said what European leaders used to whisper: that the United States went into the Iran war “without any strategy at all,” and that Iran’s leadership is “humiliating” Washington. He added the part every adult in the room already knew: “You don’t just have to get in, you have to get out again.”

Iran, despite losing much of its conventional naval capability, has turned the Strait of Hormuz into a problem the United States can’t easily solve. It turns out you don’t need an aircraft carrier to disrupt global trade. You need speedboats, mines, drones, and just enough chaos that insurers and shipping companies decide capitalism can maybe take the scenic route. Iran’s so-called “mosquito fleet” has made reopening the strait far harder than closing it, and that asymmetry is now the defining feature of the conflict: America brought the hammer, and Iran brought the swarm.

Negotiations look less like diplomacy and more like performance art with a catering budget. Iran has floated a proposal to ease the Hormuz crisis in exchange for ending the war and lifting the U.S. blockade, while effectively shoving the nuclear issue into the “we’ll circle back” pile. Washington’s response has been… less than coherent. Trump abruptly canceled a planned negotiating trip by Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner, declaring, “We have all the cards, they have none,” and adding that Iran “can call us anytime they want.” He also said he wasn’t sending envoys on “18-hour flights to sit around talking about nothing,” which is certainly one way to describe diplomacy when you’ve already turned foreign policy into a hostage note.

Iran is insisting talks cannot move forward unless the U.S. lifts the blockade, while the Revolutionary Guards are openly framing control of the Strait as “the definitive strategy of Islamic Iran.” So the two sides are now performing the same ritual in different costumes: Tehran says no talks without relief, Trump says no relief without surrender, and everyone else gets to watch oil prices, shipping lanes, and global nerves do interpretive dance.

Russia is hovering just offstage, eager to be seen as a player without actually owning the consequences. Iran’s foreign minister is making stops in Moscow, Pakistan, and Oman, trying to widen the negotiating field, while Putin offers support just vague enough to preserve flexibility. It’s a delicate balance: help Iran enough to gain leverage, but not enough to inherit its problems.

Through all of this, the markets are doing what markets do best: telling the truth. Oil is back above $110 a barrel, bond yields are rising, and inflation fears are creeping back into the conversation. Translation: whatever the politicians are saying, traders don’t believe this ends cleanly.

In a move that should set off alarm bells far beyond the energy sector, the United Arab Emirates announced this morning it will leave OPEC next month. OPEC, the cartel that has spent decades trying to manage global oil supply. The reason? Abu Dhabi is tired of Saudi-led quotas limiting its ability to pump and wants to ramp up production just as the world scrambles for energy.

The war in Iran isn’t just disrupting supply; it’s breaking the machinery designed to stabilize it. When one of the cartel’s major producers decides it would rather go solo in the middle of a geopolitical crisis, it tells you everything you need to know about how coordinated the “global order” currently is.

Even as Iran demonstrates tactical resilience, there’s another side to the story. Inside the country, the pressure is building. Oil exports have collapsed under the U.S. blockade, crude is piling up in storage, and Iran is now resorting to using derelict tanks, improvised facilities, and even rail shipments to China to keep the system from seizing up. Production may have to be cut significantly if storage fills. Iran can disrupt the global economy, but it can’t sell its own oil.

Elsewhere, the pattern of “rules for thee, not for me” continues. Ukraine is now facing a diplomatic clash with Israel after another Russian vessel carrying grain linked to occupied Ukrainian territory was allowed into Haifa. Kyiv says the Abinsk carried nearly 44,000 tons of wheat allegedly taken from occupied Ukrainian territories, and Ukrainian officials had reportedly warned Israel before the ship docked. Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha put it plainly: Russia’s “illegal export of stolen Ukrainian agricultural products is part of Russia’s broader war effort,” and “such illegal trade with stolen goods must not be allowed.”

That would be irritating enough on its own, but the hypocrisy lands harder because Ukraine has been careful, sometimes painfully careful, in its public support for Israel. After October 7, Zelensky condemned Hamas and said “Israel’s right to self-defense is unquestionable,” even as Ukraine was already fighting for its own survival and pleading for the same kind of security support Israel receives almost reflexively from Washington.

What did Kyiv get back? Not much. Israel has condemned Russia’s invasion and provided limited assistance, including humanitarian aid and an aerial warning system, but it has repeatedly avoided sending weapons, largely because it does not want to anger Moscow and risk its freedom of action in Syria. Zelensky eventually said the quiet part out loud: “Israel made a mistake,” adding that he believed Israeli leaders were “afraid of Putin.”

Now Ukraine gets to watch Israel, a country with enormous leverage in Washington, deep regional military reach, and a long-standing ability to demand solidarity from allies, shrug as allegedly looted Ukrainian grain rolls through Haifa. It is a small shipment in the scale of the war, but a big symbol: even friends can develop very selective eyesight when the cargo is profitable, the paperwork is convenient, and Russia is the one cashing the check.

Wall Street banks are once again loading up on U.S. Treasuries, with holdings hitting levels not seen since before the 2008 crisis, thanks to Trump-era deregulation. On paper, this looks stabilizing, banks stepping back into a market that has increasingly relied on hedge funds and high-frequency traders. In reality, it’s more complicated. Banks are participating, but they’re not obligated to act as backstops, and the structure of the market has fundamentally changed. The plumbing is being rewired, but we won’t know how it holds up until something breaks.

Legal analyst Katie Phang has filed a federal lawsuit against Trump’s acting Attorney General, accusing the DOJ of failing to comply with the Epstein Files Transparency Act. According to the complaint, documents have been withheld, heavily redacted, and, in a particularly impressive feat, victims’ identifying information has been exposed while alleged perpetrators remain conveniently unnamed. Phang is asking for a special master to review the materials, which is legal shorthand for “someone who is not currently involved in this mess.”

Whether the lawsuit succeeds is almost beside the point. The point is that the story the administration hoped would quietly disappear is doing the opposite.

Finally, zooming out, we arrive at the day’s unifying theme. If you were wondering who’s actually running things these days, the answer appears to be: a rotating cast of billionaires with grievances. Sergey Brin, Google co-founder and one of the architects of the modern internet, is now pouring tens of millions into fighting a proposed wealth tax while reportedly relocating to avoid it. Elon Musk is in court trying to reshape the future of artificial intelligence through a lawsuit that reads like a custody battle between tech oligarchs. Trump is hosting literal royalty while governing like a man who thinks “strategy” is something you say after the fact.

On Friday, workers, students, parents, immigrants, educators, union members, and exhausted citizens with functioning moral compasses are expected to take action across the country under the banner of May Day Strong. The demand is simple enough to fit on a protest sign and apparently still too complicated for billionaires to understand: workers over billionaires.

Organizers are calling for “No Work. No School. No Shopping,” with as many as 3,000 actions expected nationwide. Rallies, marches, teach-ins, walkouts, and economic-blackout actions are planned in all 50 states, a reminder that authoritarianism does not just arrive with troops in the streets. Sometimes it arrives as a budget cut, a deportation raid, a union-busting campaign, a school closure, a tariff tantrum, or another war sold as strength by men who will never pay the price.

The message from May Day is not subtle, and thank God for that. Tax the rich. Defend public schools. Protect immigrant families. Stop ICE. Stop the wars. Expand democracy, not corporate power. After months of Trump governing like a wrecking ball with a press office, May Day is shaping up as a national refusal to keep pretending any of this is normal.

The point of a shutdown is to show who actually keeps the country running. It is not the billionaires, the courtiers, the crypto grifters, or the golf-cart Caesars pointing kings at their carpet marks. It has always been workers. On May Day, an actual weekday, no polite weekend rally, they intend to remind everyone.



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Juan Matute
R.B.R.
C.C.R.C.


Monday, April 27, 2026

Something to Laugh About 27 April

The aftermath of stories related to the Whitehouse Correspondents' Dinner fill the news coverage.   It is only fitting that Trump wants ro revert to an old method of handling those on death row.   There seems to be a backlog convicts that he wants to be rid of, so he wants Firing Squads.   In fact, he probably figures out that he can make a lot of money by staging them at the end of his Marftial Arts UFC (Ultimate Fighting Championship programs)

Daryl Cagle noreply@cagle.com 
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Trump’s BRUTAL CRAZY Iran War Brain Cartoons! 100+ Political Cartoons

We have a brilliant to slideshow video slideshow podcast called Trump’s BRUTAL CRAZY Iran War BRAIN Cartoons! Don’t miss it on YouTube!  Here are some great Trump War Brain cartoons from three of our great Canadian Cagle Cartoonists!

Michael DeAdder

 

Graham MacKay

    


 

Dale Cummings

#5. Dave Whamond

  



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Juan Matute
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Somehting to Know - 27 August

Lost in the swirl of news following the violent interruption of the White House Correspondents' Dinner are the words explaining why the assailant was motivated to take such extreme measures in protest.   His fury drove him mad, and he will face serious punishment for such an act.   The object of his crimes from highest to lowest were directed to the officials of the current administration.   I am not excusing any of Mr. Allen's behavior, but I think it will be interesting if he pleads not guilty, and the prosecution will be centered around his intention to kill the president.  How is Trump going to prosecute someone who is not "low IQ" who stated his reasons for an assassination?   Allen's rhetoric against the president speaks volumes for many people.


Based on reports from the FBI and media outlets like The New York Times and CBS News, the manifesto written by Cole Tomas Allen is a document of approximately 1,000 words. He reportedly emailed it to his family shortly before the attack at the White House Correspondents' Dinner.

Key details and direct quotes from the document include:

  • The "Friendly Federal Assassin": Allen referred to himself by this title and claimed he was carrying out a "mission" against the current administration.

  • Target List: The document contained a prioritized list of Trump administration officials, organized "from highest-ranking to lowest."

  • Justification of Violence: He explicitly rejected the concept of non-violence in this context, writing: "Turning the other cheek when someone else is oppressed is not Christian behavior; it is complicity in the oppressor's crimes."

  • Rhetoric Against the President: He expressed a refusal to support the administration, stating, "I'm no longer willing to permit a pedophile, rapist and traitor to coat my hands with his crimes."

  • Security Critique: Allen also mocked the lack of security he encountered at the event, noting that he was able to walk in with multiple weapons without being perceived as a threat.

Authorities have characterized the document as being filled with "anti-Trump and anti-Christian rhetoric," and it is currently a central piece of evidence in the ongoing FBI investigation.



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Juan Matute
R.B.R.
C.C.R.C.


Saturday, April 25, 2026

Something to Know - 25 April

Another way of looking at Trump's War and his way of conducting it is that it has compromised our military readiness in case of a real need.   There is no real need to have gone off ill-prepared into Iran.   What have we learned from it so far?   High prices, shortage of petrol-related products, a blocked strait of Hormuz, and a loss of ammunition and weapons.   What if our country faces a definite threat?   We have blown our capability to respond.   Expensive missiles and bombs created a veritable lethal zone destroying human life and infrastructure, but the Irani's are still in control of their country. We are no better off than when the Obama administration held a better position with no loss of life or disruption to economies and standards of living.   The Trump-Hegseth big box of 4th of July firecrackers is almost gone, and we have nothing to show for it.  For sure, Trump runs his show like he ran his casinos.   The only problem is that it is not HIS bankruptcy.  It is OUR problem, and fixing it will be very expensive.   The only ones better off are the corrupt and grifting clowns who share Trump's playpen. 





A man standing in the rubble of a large building.
The remains of a university building in Tehran. Two independent groups say the U.S. expense of the war in Iran so far is between $28 billion and $35 billion.Credit...Arash Khamooshi for The New York Times

Iran War Has Drained U.S. Supplies of Critical, Costly Weapons

The Pentagon’s rush to rearm its Mideast forces makes it less ready to confront potential adversaries like Russia and China, administration and congressional officials say.

By Eric Schmitt and Jonathan Swan

Reporting from Washington

  • April 23, 2026

Since the Iran war began in late February, the United States has burned through around 1,100 of its long-range stealth cruise missiles built for a war with China, close to the total number remaining in the U.S. stockpile. The military has fired off more than 1,000 Tomahawk cruise missiles, roughly 10 times the number it currently buys each year.

The Pentagon used more than 1,200 Patriot interceptor missiles in the war, at more than $4 million a pop, and more than 1,000 Precision Strike and ATACMS ground-based missiles, leaving inventories worrisomely low, according to internal Defense Department estimates and congressional officials.

The Iran war has significantly drained much of the U.S. military’s global supply of munitions, and forced the Pentagon to rush bombs, missiles and other hardware to the Middle East from commands in Asia and Europe. The drawdowns have left these regional commands less ready to confront potential adversaries like Russia and China, and it has forced the United States to find ways to scale up production to address the depletions, Trump administration and congressional officials say.

The conflict has also underscored the Pentagon’s overreliance on excessively expensive missiles and munitions, especially air-defense interceptors, as well as concerns about whether the defense industry can develop cheaper arms, especially attack drones, far more quickly. 

The Defense Department has not disclosed how many munitions it used in 38 days of war before a cease-fire took effect two weeks ago. The Pentagon says it hit more than 13,000 targets, but officials say that figure masks the vast number of bombs and missiles it used because warplanes, attack planes and artillery typically strike large targets multiple times.





White House officials have refused to estimate the cost of the conflict so far, but two independent groups say the expense is staggering: between $28 billion and $35 billion, or just under $1 billion a day.

In the first two days alone, defense officials have told lawmakers, the military used $5.6 billion of munitions.

To restore the U.S. global stockpile to its previous size, the United States will have to make tough choices about where to maintain its military strength in the meantime. “At current production rates, reconstituting what we have expended could take years,” Senator Jack Reed of Rhode Island, the top Democrat on the Armed Services Committee, said this week.

“The United States has many munitions with adequate inventories, but some critical ground-attack and missile-defense munitions were short before the war and are even shorter now,” said Mark F. Cancian, a retired Marine Corps colonel and a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, which recently published a study estimating the status of key munitions.

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Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, said in a statement that “the entire premise of this story is false.” She added: “The United States of America has the most powerful military in the world, fully loaded with more than enough weapons and munitions, in stockpiles here at home and all around the globe, to effectively defend the homeland and achieve any military operation directed by the commander in chief.”

Sean Parnell, the Pentagon’s chief spokesman, declined to comment on “any specific theater requirements or detail our global resource capabilities,” citing operational security.

Some Republicans, including Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the chairman of the subcommittee that funds the Pentagon, have pressed for an increase in spending on munitions production over several administrations. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has made that goal a top priority during his tenure.

Making things more perilous for the Pentagon, officials say, is that the Defense Department is waiting for Congress to approve additional funding before it can pay weapons manufacturers to replenish the depleted American supply. In January, the administration announced that it had secured seven-year agreements with major defense contractors, including Lockheed Martin, to increase production capacity for defense systems like missile interceptors.

The agreement called for quadrupling the production of precision-guided munitions and THAAD missile interceptors. Defense manufacturers, for their part, agreed to fund factory expansions in exchange for secured long-term orders.

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But officials said there had been no movement to actually begin the expanded production, because the Pentagon was scrambling to find the funding.

In the meantime, the military is using its existing weapons supplies at steep rates to meet Central Command’s immediate needs in the Iran war. Certain munition levels are shrinking faster than others.

The Pentagon, for example, has committed most of its inventory of stealthy, long-range cruise missiles to the fight against Iran. These missiles, called Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile-Extended Range, or JASSM-ER, are launched from fighters and bombers and have a range of more than 600 miles. They are designed to penetrate hard targets outside the range of enemy air defenses.

Since the war started, the military has used about 1,100 JASSM-ER missiles, which cost roughly $1.1 million apiece, leaving roughly 1,500 in the military’s inventories, according to internal Pentagon estimates, a U.S. military official and a congressional official who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss confidential combat assessments.

ImageA missile leaving the deck of a gray warship.
A Tomahawk missile fired from the Mediterranean Sea last month. The long-range missiles cost about $3.6 million each.Credit...U.S. Navy, via Getty Images

Tomahawks, which cost about $3.6 million each, are long-range cruise missiles that have been widely used for U.S. warfighting since the first Persian Gulf War in 1991. They remain a key munition for potential future wars, including one in Asia.

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“While sufficient munitions exist to wage this war, high expenditure of Tomahawks and other missiles in Operation Epic Fury creates risks for the United States in other theaters — particularly the Western Pacific,” concluded a C.S.I.S. study, which estimated the remaining Tomahawk stockpiles to be around 3,000 missiles.

Patriot interceptor missiles can cost nearly $4 million each. The United States produced about 600 of them in all of 2025. More than 1,200 have been used in the war so far, according to internal Pentagon estimates and congressional officials.

Overall, the cost of the war so far is between $25 billion and $35 billion, according to a study this month by the American Enterprise Institute compiled by Elaine McCusker, a senior Pentagon official during the first Trump administration. Mr. Cancian of C.S.I.S. said in an email that he and his analysts put the cost of the conflict so far at about $28 billion.

The military is also incurring unexpected costs from damaged or destroyed aircraft. In the Navy SEAL Team 6 operation to rescue a downed Air Force officer in Iran, the military had to destroy two MC-130 cargo planes and at least three MH-6 helicopters inside them after the planes’ nose gear got stuck in the wet sand of a makeshift airstrip. Mr. Cancian estimated the total cost of the lost aircraft at about $275 million. Three replacement planes eventually flew the airman and the commandos to safety, but the Pentagon did not want sensitive technology from the aircraft to fall into Iranian hands.

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All regional military commanders are feeling the strain of shrinking munitions stocks.

In Europe, the war has led to depletions in weapons systems critical for defending the eastern flank of NATO from Russian aggression, according to Pentagon information reviewed by The New York Times.

A problem described as serious was the loss of surveillance and attack drones. The demands of the Iran war have also curtailed exercises and training. According to military officials, this hurts the ability to mount offensive operations in Europe, as well as deterrence of potential Russian attacks.

Asked about the shortcomings, Gen. Alexus G. Grynkewich, the head of U.S. European Command, said in a statement, “Our warfighters are proud of the support we’ve provided to USCENTCOM in support of President Trump’s historic operations against Iran.”

But the biggest impact has been on troops in Asia.

Image
Tan military vehicles and missile launchers in a field.
The launch vehicle of a THAAD system in Seongju, South Korea. Patriot missiles and interceptors from THAAD have been redirected to the Middle East.Credit...Yonhap/EPA, via Shutterstock

Before the war with Iran started, American military commanders redirected the U.S.S. Abraham Lincoln carrier strike group from the South China Sea to the Middle East. Since then, two Marine Expeditionary Units, each with about 2,200 Marines, have been sent to the Middle East from the Pacific. The Pentagon has also moved sophisticated air defenses from Asia to bolster protection against Iran’s drones and rockets.

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The redirected weapons include Patriot missiles and interceptors from the THAAD system in South Korea — the only Asian ally hosting the advanced missile defense system, deployed by the Pentagon to counter North Korea’s growing missile threat. Now, for the first time, the system’s interceptors are being moved away, according to American officials.

U.S. readiness in the Pacific was hurt earlier by the Pentagon’s deployment of warships and aircraft to the Middle East after the Israel-Gaza war began in October 2023 and after Houthi militia forces in Yemen started attacking ships in the Red Sea to support the Palestinians, the officials say.

The monthlong bombing campaign against the Houthis last year — an operation the Pentagon called Rough Rider — was much larger than the Trump administration initially disclosed at the time. The Pentagon used up about $200 million of munitions in the first three weeks alone, U.S. officials said. The costs of the overall operation far exceeded $1 billion when operational and personnel expenses were taken into account, the officials added.

The American ships and aircraft, as well as the service members working on them, are being pushed at what the military calls a high operating tempo. Even basic equipment maintenance becomes an issue under those grinding conditions.

A spokeswoman for Adm. Samuel J. Paparo Jr., the head of the military’s Indo-Pacific Command, declined to comment on the arms diverted from Asia to the Middle East.

Admiral Paparo largely sidestepped the issue of stockpile shortages during a Senate hearing on Tuesday, acknowledging only that “there are finite limits to the magazine.”

Michael Schwirtz and Adam Goldman contributed reporting from London. John Ismay, Helene Cooper and Maggie Haberman contributed reporting from Washington.

Eric Schmitt is a national security correspondent for The Times. He has reported on U.S. military affairs and counterterrorism for more than three decades.

Jonathan Swan is a White House reporter for The Times, covering the administration of Donald J. Trump. Contact him securely on Signal: @jonathan.941

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Juan Matute
R.B.R.
C.C.R.C.