Tuesday, January 20, 2026

Something to Know - 20 January

Today's newsletter by Mary Geddry points out something that would be helpful.   By continuing to forward accounts of Trump's misbehavior and draconic actions, I am not doing much to add to the conversation.    It's more like preaching to the choir.   I think it may be more effective that we make an issue of those elected officials in Congress who continually support Trumpism by their failure to push back on the GOP; I am speaking about the Republicans.   By shaming them and constantly publishing their names along with specific harms to their constituents, they now become the issue.  Bad mouthing the cowards will do more than just talking about how Trump is an idiot who should be impeached.   They may be worried about being "primaried" by Trump's financial force, but they stand a good chance to fail in being reelected in the mid-terms, so why not vote with the good guys instead, and smell better as a result.   Try walking down 5th Avenue in New York City now, and see if anybody cares.


Geddry's Newsletter a Publication of nGenium marygeddry@substack.com 

4:12 PM (1 hour ago)
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The Grievance Presidency

Trump's Nobel obsession, the GOP's cult, and the last chance to stop a democratic collapse

Jan 20
 
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Over the past few days, the question has stopped being what is Trump doing now? and become why is anyone still pretending this is normal?

The immediate provocation is absurd enough to sound like parody: the President of the United States sending what amounts to a grievance-soaked text message to Norway, furious that he did not receive a Nobel Peace Prize, and hinting, explicitly, that Denmark should hand over Greenland or face economic and possibly military consequences. This is not satire, this is where we are.

Anne Applebaum was right to say the letter should be the last straw, not because of its grammar or its historical illiteracy, but because it makes unmistakably clear that Donald Trump is no longer operating in a shared reality. Norway does not award the Nobel Peace Prize. The Norwegian government has no control over it, and even if it did, which it does not, Norway and Denmark are separate sovereign countries. Denmark's "crime," apparently, is owning territory Trump wants and existing within the blast radius of his grievance.

Denmark has sovereignty over Greenland, recognized for centuries, including by the United States itself. None of this matters to Trump, because facts have never mattered to Trump. What matters is grievance, humiliation, and the endless need to redirect attention away from the things that would land him in courtrooms, or prison cells, if he ever lost power.

Pete Buttigieg put it bluntly in a recent vlog: Trump's behavior toward Norway, Denmark, and Greenland is both a dangerous international crisis and a deflection from his domestic failures. The key example is healthcare. Millions of Americans saw their health insurance premiums spike this month. The House voted under pressure to extend tax credits that would lower those premiums. All it would take is one phone call, one tweet, one command from Trump for Senate Republicans to pass it. They would obey instantly.

He hasn't done it, and he won't do it. Lowering healthcare costs would calm people down. Trump does not survive in stillness, he thrives in chaos.

There is another reason, just as powerful, and far more personal. Any meaningful action on healthcare would inevitably echo the one achievement Trump has never been able to erase: Barack Obama's. Lower premiums. Expanded coverage. Stability in the insurance markets. These are not neutral policy outcomes in Trump's mind; they are symbols. And symbols are where his deepest wounds live.

Obama is not just a predecessor Trump despises. He is the embodiment of everything Trump believes was stolen from him: legitimacy, respect, historical stature. Obama passed a landmark healthcare law that survived Trump's first term despite years of sabotage. Obama left office admired abroad. Obama is, not coincidentally, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, an honor Trump has fixated on obsessively and failed to obtain.

To lower healthcare costs now would feel, to Trump, like conceding that Obama built something real and durable. It would mean acknowledging continuity instead of rupture, governance instead of grievance. For someone whose identity is built on negation, undo Obama, humiliate Obama, erase Obama, that would constitute a catastrophic narcissistic injury.

Chaos is safer. Chaos can't be compared to a predecessor's success. Chaos doesn't invite charts, metrics, or historians, and chaos allows rage to mask humiliation and grandiosity to paper over failure. Greenland is useful to Trump in a way healthcare never will be: it keeps the spotlight on fantasy victories instead of inherited realities he cannot psychologically tolerate.

This is where the question keeps circling back: why do voters still support this, and why does the Republican Party continue to stand behind him?

For voters, the answer is emotional, not rational. Trump offers grievance validation, not solutions. He tells people they were cheated, mocked, erased, and that he will punish the people they blame. That feels more immediate and satisfying than the slow, technocratic work of governance. Healthcare premiums are abstract, while humiliation is visceral. Trump never asks his supporters to sacrifice anything except reality itself, and that bargain has proven seductive.

For the Republican Party, the answer is colder. Trump is not a leader they follow; he is a weapon they deploy. For years, he delivered voters, enforced discipline, and generated just enough chaos to make accountability impossible. He punished defectors ruthlessly and rewarded obedience lavishly. As long as his poll numbers held, this arrangement felt cynical but manageable.

Then the numbers started to tank, and instead of recalculating, the party doubled down. By the time Trump became more liability than asset, the GOP had already reorganized itself around fear, loyalty tests, and grievance management. Breaking with him no longer meant losing an election cycle; it meant excommunication.

Over time, this transformed the party into something less like a political organization and more like what my daughter Shanley aptly described in a recent piece: a cult. In cults, the leader's weakness doesn't loosen control, it tightens it. Decline triggers escalation, and doubt becomes treason. Followers cling even harder, not because the leader is strong, but because leaving would require admitting how much they surrendered along the way.

The signs are all there. Total loyalty demanded, and independent institutions framed as enemies. Fear is used as enforcement, while moral inversions are normalized. In a cult, rules are provisional, truth is whatever the leader says it is, and responsibility drains upward until no one below feels authorized to act at all. That's why Republicans who privately know this is dangerous remain silent. Acting independently would mean breaking the spell.

Europe sees this clearly. And that's why European leaders are no longer waiting for the GOP to save the alliance.

I was reminded of this the other night watching a French talk show, 24H Pujadas, from January 15, my high school French being admittedly rusty, but not rusty enough to miss the tone. Trump's behavior was not treated with awe, fear, or even much outrage. It was met with ridicule. The panel mocked him openly over Greenland, over Iran, over Palestine. The pundits' laughter wasn't nervous, it was incredulous. The underlying assumption was unmistakable: this is not serious statecraft, and it is not coming from a serious leader.

Europe isn't confused about what it's watching. It doesn't see a hard-nosed negotiator or a misunderstood nationalist. It sees a man governed by grievance, indulged by a party that no longer restrains him, and dangerous precisely because no one on his side appears willing, or able, to say no. So Europe is recalibrating accordingly, not out of spite or ideology, but out of common sense.

The New York Times reported this week that European capitals are openly questioning whether the 80-year-old U.S.–Europe alliance can survive a leading power that threatens to invade a member, wages economic war on allies, and vows to cultivate far-right political movements to undermine their governments. This is not about Trump's personality anymore; it's about ideology. As one analyst put it, the attack on Europe "has been turned into an ideology." Trust, once broken at this level, does not snap back. It takes generations to rebuild, if it ever does.

During a nap this morning, my subconscious apparently decided subtlety was overrated. I dreamed I was speaking to a European leader, (he looked suspiciously like Macron), and urged him to help arrange some sort of international intervention, because the U.S. president desperately needed one and no one at home was doing their job. I woke up amused, then unsettled, then annoyed at how little that scenario actually felt like fantasy.

That's the real humiliation here. Not that Trump is behaving this way, but that Americans are increasingly imagining foreign leaders as the grown-ups because our own institutions have abdicated that role.

Europe is not counting on the GOP to intervene. Neither, increasingly, are Americans. We're now hearing chatter,]tested casually, like a trial balloon, about canceling or undermining the midterms. Authoritarian systems don't usually announce the end of elections outright. They soften the ground first to normalize the idea that rules are optional when the leader feels threatened.

Which brings us back to the beginning. Trump could, with a word, lower healthcare costs for millions of Americans. He chooses not to. Instead, he threatens allies, fixates on imaginary slights, and manufactures crises big enough to blot out reality itself. The Republican Party enables this not because it can't stop him, but because stopping him would require breaking with a cult that now defines their power.

The dikes keep springing leaks. Each day requires a new plug, another distraction, and greater escalation. Power for Trump is not freedom in this context; it's life support. Voters, allies, and institutions must keep the machine running, regardless of the cost.

All of this brings us to the only place responsibility can land now: the Republican Party. Europe isn't waiting for the GOP to act. Voters are losing faith that it will. And Trump, increasingly cornered by his own failures and grievances, is escalating precisely because no one on his side is stopping him. That makes this moment not abstract, but urgent.

We have been here before. On January 6, 2021, the republic held not because of a sweeping bipartisan uprising, but because one Republican did his job. Mike Pence did not act heroically; he acted constitutionally. He followed the law. And that was enough, barely, to stop a catastrophe. The bar was low, and he cleared it.

That is all that is required again. Just a handful of Republicans willing to say no, to reject threats against allies, to insist on elections, to lower healthcare costs instead of inflaming chaos, to reassert that reality exists and rules still apply. History does not demand perfection in moments like this, just courage in small numbers.

This is the GOP's moment to shine if it chooses to. To prove it is still a political party and not a personality cult, and to show allies that the United States is more than one man's grievances. Most importantly, it can show Americans that democracy still has defenders inside the system.

Pressure matters. It worked in the House on healthcare, and it has worked before, when Republicans felt watched, judged, and unable to hide behind silence. That pressure must not let up now, on senators, on leadership, on anyone still pretending this will resolve itself. We only need to turn a handful to end this decline.

If this moment passes unanswered, it won't be remembered as Trump's failure alone. It will be remembered as the moment when the people who could have stopped him chose not to, and let everyone else pay the price.


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Juan Matute
CCRC


Monday, January 19, 2026

Andy Borowitz


The Borowitz Report borowitzreport@substack.com 

11:42 AM (1 hour ago)
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René DeAnda on Unsplash

WASHINGTON (The Borowitz Report)—In a daring daytime mission on Monday, aircraft from the European members of NATO flew over the White House and sprayed its airspace with antipsychotic medication.

All NATO leaders signed off on the plan with the exception of the UK's Keir Starmer, who proposed inviting Donald Trump to yet another state dinner.

Explaining the rationale behind the mission, Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Stoere said, "We saw his letter to me as a cry for help."

On the decision to deploy antipsychotic meds, Stoere added, "We were uniquely qualified to do this because our drug prices are far lower than in the U.S."

Stressing that the NATO members did not take their decision lightly, the Norwegian PM said, "We had been hoping that Congress would intervene, but we were left with no other choice."


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Juan Matute
CCRC


Something to Know - MLK Day 2026

The contrasts of the forever and ongoing march for the attainment of actual peace and equality is honored today in the memorial of Martin Luther King, Jr. as Donald J Trump tramples all over the Constitution and installs his authoritarian violence.    Finding our way to settle on the future of our Democracy as we endure the stench and evil of a rot created by the scurge of immoral and bankrupt ideology is not easy.   We have a history of a somewhat educated citizenry and have lived with the democratic process for 250 years.   The Grand Jury of public opinion is not in favor to Trumpism, and the sooner we flush it down the porcelain toilet, the better off we will be.   We are a tolerant society, but we do have limits.

Geddry's Newsletter a Publication of nGenium marygeddry@substack.com 

7:18 AM (37 minutes ago)
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Still Waiting on the Promised Land

MLK, Springsteen, and a country booing back as power demands silence

Jan 19
 
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Good morning, and happy Martin Luther King Jr. Day, a day that always seems to arrive precisely when the country most needs to reread Letter from Birmingham Jail and then do the exact opposite of pretending it's about vibes.

We'll start there, because it frames everything that follows far better than any chyron or talking point ever could:

"Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere."

That sentence is doing a lot of heavy lifting this morningm and unlike Congress, it's actually showing up for work. Over the weekend, Donald Trump managed to turn Greenland into the epicenter of a transatlantic crisis, NATO into a hostage, and the Nobel Peace Prize into a personal grievance letter. According to multiple reports, Trump is now openly floating a "Puerto Rico option" for Greenland, offering citizenship, tax exemptions, and a century-long lease as a colonial sweetener, while backing it up with tariffs, threats, and the subtle implication that sovereignty is negotiable if the U.S. president feels under-appreciated. European leaders, for their part, are responding with the diplomatic equivalent of gritted teeth, quietly sharpening retaliatory tariffs while insisting their "priority is engagement, not escalation." Which is diplomatic code for we are trying very hard not to punch the arsonist while he's still holding the match.

Then came the part where satire simply resigns: Trump sent a letter to Norway's prime minister explaining that because he did not receive the Nobel Peace Prize, he no longer feels obligated to "think purely of peace." That is not spin; it is a written admission that restraint was conditional on applause. The same letter questions Denmark's right to Greenland at all ("a boat landed there hundreds of years ago"), demands "complete and total control," and reframes NATO as something that owes him personally. If you were trying to explain to a future historian how alliances collapse, you could probably just hand them this document and a stiff drink.

To justify all this, Trump has settled on a new talking point: a supposed "Russian threat" to Greenland. This claim makes almost no sense. The United States already dominates Greenland's military posture under a 1951 treaty and operates a major base there. Russia has no territorial claim, no realistic invasion pathway, and is currently struggling to sustain a war it started elsewhere. Trump himself has spent the past week insisting Vladimir Putin "wants peace" and blaming Ukraine for prolonging the war. The contradiction isn't subtle, Russia is not the driver here; ego is. "National security" is just the wrapper.

While Trump plays Risk with the Arctic, Europe is watching something else with growing alarm: a breakdown in trust. Reports, not independently verified, have circulated suggesting that Ukrainian intelligence may have tested U.S. intelligence channels to assess whether sensitive information was leaking to Russia. That claim traces back to commentary by Vincent Crouzet, a French intelligence analyst with ties to the DGSE, rather than to confirmed reporting by major European outlets. What is confirmed, however, is that France has increasingly become a primary provider of military intelligence to Ukraine, and that the Trump administration previously paused U.S.–Ukraine intelligence sharing altogether. Allies are not reorganizing intelligence flows because Denmark failed to defend Greenland; they're doing it because confidence in Washington's stewardship itself is eroding. In that context, Trump's attempt to cast himself as the indispensable bulwark against Russian influence sounds a lot less like leadership and a lot more like gaslighting.

Back home, the authoritarian logic is more familiar, and more lethal. Minnesota remains ground zero for ICE escalation, evidence suppression, and narrative laundering. After the killing of Renee Nicole Good, both President Trump and DHS Secretary Kristi Noem repeatedly amplified claims that the ICE officer involved had been seriously injured, even invoking "internal bleeding" and hospitalization to frame the shooting as self-defense. But dispatch transcripts, EMS records, and video analysis now make clear that claim was false. The officer was not injured, was not treated by EMS, was not transported to a hospital, remained upright throughout the incident, lingered on the scene for nearly half an hour, and then left under federal escort to a government building. There is no evidence, medical or otherwise, to support the catastrophic injury narrative the administration pushed. By the time official records surfaced, however, the lie had already raced through corporate media pipelines at the speed of access journalism, providing political cover for a killing that evidence does not justify.

When accountability edges closer, the administration pivots, not to transparency, but to criminalizing dissent. DOJ is now threatening charges against protesters who disrupted a church service after discovering that a Cities Church pastor is also the acting head of ICE's St. Paul field office. Rather than grapple with the moral contradiction, a man overseeing violent raids while preaching on Sundays, the Justice Department chose to center the sanctity of worship over the sanctity of human life. MLK addressed this exact impulse sixty years ago, writing:

"I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block… is not the Ku Klux Klanner, but the white moderate, who is more devoted to 'order' than to justice."

Adding fuel to the fire is a phenomenon Trump loves to project onto others: "professional agitators." The difference is that in this case, the professionals are real, and they're on the administration's side. The Guardian reports that right-wing influencer Nick Sortor, who has White House ties and DOJ defenders, has been roaming Minnesota generating viral content that frames protesters and immigrants as violent criminals while cheering on ICE brutality. He monetizes chaos, amplifies enforcement violence, and then gets treated like a credible on-scene reporter by Fox News and local outlets. This is not organic outrage; it's an attention economy feedback loop where provocation becomes policy justification.

The public reaction to all of this is getting louder, and more global. Over the weekend, Trump was booed in packed arenas from London to New Jersey. At London's O2 Arena, chants of "Leave Greenland alone" drew applause. Bruce Springsteen told a New Jersey crowd that Americans should not be murdered for exercising their First Amendment rights, dedicating his performance of The Promised Land to Renee Good, a song about belief in a better future and, as its chorus puts it, insisting that "Mister, I ain't a boy, no I'm a man / And I believe in a promised land," even in the face of cold eyes and rising storms. Springsteen's choice of that anthem, about striving for something better despite adversity, underscored how far many feel the country has drifted from its ideals. Protests erupted in Greenland and Denmark as Trump continued to threaten invasion, and these aren't fringe demonstrations. These are mass audiences in spaces that usually confer legitimacy, and the verdict is increasingly unanimous: the promise, at least, is slipping.

As if to underline the moral inversion of the moment, the New York Times reports that Trump quietly issued another batch of pardons, including a second pardon for the same convicted fraudster, who returned to crime after being freed the first time. He also pardoned a banker whose daughter donated millions to a Trump super PAC while he was under indictment, along with a former governor and a former FBI agent tied to the same corruption case. Serial offenders, political donors, and well-connected allies receive mercy; anti-fraud programs serving poor communities get defunded. Clemency is no longer an act of grace but a loyalty reward system.

Which brings us to the conspicuous absence of Congress. This is the branch that controls tariffs, war powers, oversight, and the purse. It is watching a president extort allies, destabilize NATO, reward donors with pardons, escalate domestic force, and openly admit that peace is optional when his ego is bruised. History will not remember who tweeted what, but it will remember who had the power to intervene, and didn't.

This is good day to remember another line from Birmingham:

"An unjust law is no law at all."

So on this MLK Day, with alliances fraying, institutions failing, and the noise getting louder by the hour, we'll end where we often do, outside. Marz and I have been taking advantage of the rare clear skies, getting some badly needed exercise, and keeping up our moonbeam vigils. They're quiet, small rituals in a world that feels anything but. Lately they feel less like reflection and more like resolve. In a moment when injustice is being normalized and cruelty is being rebranded as strength, those pauses matter. They remind us that the promised land was never something handed down by power, it's something people insisted on, fought for and must protect, and keep faith with, even when the night feels lon

 

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Juan Matute
CCRC